Wednesday, April 29, 2015

सांस्कृतीक वर्चस्वतावाद आणि आपण!



("Origins of the Vedic Religion and Indus-Ghaggar Civilisation" या माझ्या पुस्तकाच्या प्रकाशन प्रसंगी मी केलेल्या भाषणाचा सारांश.)

प्रबोधनकाळाने जगाला अद्वितीय गोष्टी दिल्या. ज्ञान, विज्ञान व अभिव्यक्तीची क्षितीजे अमर्याद विस्तारली पण याच काळाला एक काळीकुट्त किनार आहे व ती म्हणजे आधेचा आर्य श्रेष्ठत्वता वाद आणि नंतरचा नव्या नांवाने आणला गेलेला पुरा-इंडो-युरोपियन भाषा बोलणा-यंचा गट व त्यांची विस्थापने. युरोपियनांना सेमेटिक संस्कृती मुळे तोडायची होती. जर्मनांना जर्मनांच्य सांस्कृतीक एकीकरणासाठी "जर्मननेस" शोधायची गरज होती. उल्रीच हटनसारख्या विद्वानाने सोळाव्या शतकात रोमन चर्चला नाकारण्यासाठी "जर्मन मर्द तर रोमन बायकी" असे म्हणायला सुरुवात केली. अडाम-इव्हापासुन सारी मानवजात निर्माण झाली हे नाकारत प्रत्यक वंशाची स्वतंत्र उत्पत्ती असुन सेमेटिक व निग्रो हे कमास्सल आहेत हे मांडायला सुरुवात झाली. ज्यु द्वेषाची कारणे सेमिटिक द्वेषात आहेत.

डॆव्हीड ह्युमसारख्या अठराव्या शतकातील श्रेष्ठ तत्वज्ञाने गोरेतर सारेच हीण आहेत असे स्पष्ट प्रतिपादित केले. काहींची मजल तर काळे हे युरोपियन व एप्सच्या मिश्रणातुन निर्मण झालेले निर्बुद्ध आहेत अशी मांडणी करण्यापर्यंत मजल गाठली. यात सेमिटिक नाळ तोडण्याचे प्रयत्न सुरु होतेच. भारत हीच मुळभुमी मानण्याकडे या काळात कल होता. त्यासाठी व्होल्तेयरसारख्या तत्ववेत्त्याने तर भारतीय ब्रह्म आणि अब्राहमात साधर्म्य शोधले तर रेनान या फ्रेंच विद्वानाने येशु ख्रिस्त हा सेमिटिक नव्हे तर "आर्य" होता असे प्रतिपादित केले. थोडक्यात एनकेनप्रकारेन युरोपातील धर्म-संस्कृतीचे मुळ मुळात सेमिटिक नाही हे त्यांना सिद्ध करायचे होते व आर्य सिद्धांत त्यासाठी आणला गेला.

पण पुढे भारत ही मुळभुमी हे अमान्य करण्याची लाट आली. कारण ठरला आर्य संकल्पनेला सिद्धांताची जोड देणा-या म्यक्समुल्लर. त्याने कलकत्त्यातील रिक्षा ओढणरे आणि बंडातील शिपाई हे आर्य असुच शकत नाहीत असे म्हटले. युरोपियन विद्वानांनी लगेच आर्यांचे मुळस्थान युरेशियात शोधायची मोहिम सुरु केली. हिटलरनंतर आर्य हाच शब्द धोकेदायक वाटु लागल्याने आर्यभाषा गट किंवा पुरा-इंडो-युरोपियन भाषा बोलणारे, त्यांचे मुलस्थान आणि त्यांची विस्थापने याकडे मांडणीची दिशा वळाली. भारतात टिळकांसारख्या विद्वानांनीही आर्यांना उत्तर ध्रुवाच्या निकट शोधले. आर्य सिद्धांतामुळे भारतातही मोठी उलथापालथ झाली. उत्तरेतील आर्य व दक्षीणेतील द्रविड अशी सरळ विभागणी होत त्याचे सांस्कृतीक व राजकीय पडसाद उमटले. प्रसंगी हिंसा तर विभाजनवादाचा डोंबही उसळला. आजही त्याचे निराकरण झाले नाही. याच सिद्धांतातुन मुलनिवासीवादही जन्माला आला.

मुळात आर्य नावाचा वंश पृथ्वीवर कधीही अस्तित्वात नव्हता. इंडो-युरोपियन भाषागट सिद्धांत हा विसाव्या शतकातील सर्वात मोठा फ़्राड आहे. पण हे लक्षात न घेता भारतीय सांस्कृतीक/सामाजिक/राजकीय इतिहासाची मांडणीही त्याच आधारे झाली. थोडक्यात ती खोटी व दिशाभुल करणारी मांडणी झाली. आधी आक्रमक आर्य म्हणवत गौरवाने स्वत:कडे पाहणारे वैदिक लोक युरोपियनांच्या पुढे पाऊल टाकत वैदिक आर्य भारतातुनच पश्चिमेकडे गेले व जगात संस्कृती पसरवली असे सिद्धांत मांडु लागले. आधीचा धार्मिक श्रेष्ठत्ववाद होताच...त्याला युरोपियन सिद्धांतनाने त्यांना बळ दिले. बहुजनीय अवैदिक समाजघटकांना हीण लेखले जात होते, आता या सिद्धांतामुळे सांस्कृतिक अर्थाने श्रेष्टत्व माजवण्याचा हा प्रयत्न होता. थोडक्यात अन्यांचे काहीही सांस्कृतिक अस्त्तित्व नाही हेच या वैदिक धर्मियांना सांगायचे होते. घग्गर नदीचे सरस्वती नामकरण करत सिंधु-घग्गर संस्कृतीचे निर्माते वैदिकच असेही सांगितले जाऊ लागले. युरोपियनांचा वर्चस्वतावाद वैदिकांनीही त्यांच्याच पद्धतीने खोट्याचा आधार घेत जपला आहे. गेल्या वर्षीपर्यंत घग्गरला घग्गरच म्हणनारे पुरातत्व खाते आता आपल्या डिसेंबर १४ मधील अहवालात घग्गर नांव वगळत सरस्वती हे नांव देवु लागले आहेत. ही सांस्कृतीक अपहरणांची पुनरावृत्ती होते आहे.

मुळात वैदिक धर्म येथला नाही. तो येथे आला धर्मप्रचाराने. मुळ वेद रचनाकारांशी येथील वैदिकांचा कसलाही आनुवांशिकी संबंध नाही. ते धर्मांतरील लोक आहेत. घग्गर नदी ही पुरातत्वीय, भुशास्त्रीय आणि खुद्द ऋग्वेदातील वर्ण्णने व नंतरच्या मिथ्सच्या आधाराने सरस्वती नाही हे सिद्ध होत असले तरी त्यासाठी पुरावे वाकवण्याचे, तुडवण्याचे व खोटे सांगायची स्पर्धा सुरु आहे.

युरोपियनांचा वर्चस्वतावाद आजही संपलेला नाही. आजही आखाती राष्ट्रांत जे चालु आहे त्यामागे सेमिटिकविरोध हे मुळ आहे. भारतातील वैदिक मुस्लिमांचा द्वेष करतात यामागील कारणेही युरोपियनांच्या सेमिटिक द्वेषात शोधावी लागतील. वर्चस्वतावाद हा गैर आहे. कोणतीही संस्कृती व भाषा पृथक व पुर्ण स्वतंत्र नसते. आजच्या सरेव संस्कृत्या या पुरातन मानवी समाजांचे एकत्रीत सुकृत आहे जे प्रदेशनिहाय वैशिष्ट्यंसह अभिव्यक्त झालेले आहे. पाळेमुळे शोधावी वाटणे हा एक मानसिक भाग झाला पण खोट्या गोष्टींत पाळेमुळे सापडणार नाहीत. भारतात आज जेही काही सांस्कृतीक संघर्ष आहेत तिचे मुळे श्रेष्ठतावाद व वर्चस्वतावादात आहेत. एखाद्या समाजघटकात जाणीवपुर्वक   सांस्कृतीक वारसे नाकारत हीणगंड निर्माण करणे यासारखे नैतीक अध:पतन कोणतेही असु शकणार नाही. एकमय समाजाची स्वप्ने पुर्ण होऊ शकणार नाहीत. त्या एकमयतेच्या दिशेने कसे जायचे हे या वर्चस्वतावादी वैदिक भुमिकेच्या सहास्तित्वात अवघड दिसत आहे. तरीही आपण प्रयत्न् केले पाहिजेत!

माझे हे पुस्तक म्हणजे सिंधु-घग्गर संस्कृती, वैरिक व अवेस्तन धर्म, इंडो-युरोपियनंची विस्थापनांचे मिथक आणि एकुणातील जागतीक संस्कृत्यांचे मला सध्या उपलब्ध असलेल्या पुराव्यांवर आधारीत वास्तव मांडते. हे अंतिम नाही याची मला जाणीव आहे. पण वर्चस्वतावादाविरुद्धचा लढा आजची प्राथमिकता आहे!

Monday, April 20, 2015

Invitation for Publication

Invitation for Publication of “Origins of the Vedic Religion and Indus-Ghaggar Civilisation” 


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Hi friends, 

I cordially invite you to the publication ceremony of my latest research book “Origins of the Vedic Religion and Indus-Ghaggar Civilisation” which is scheduled on Monday, 27th April, 2015. The book sheds light on our real cultural roots on the basis of latest archaeological, geological, genetic proofs supported by the literary evidences with unbiased view. I have taken independent view in the book and have used most of the available resources to solve the ever going debate over the Indo-European language and culture issue. I am sure the book will give new insight to the readers on our civilization, religions and cultural ethos.

Publication ceremony:

The function will be presided by Dr. Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor, Deccan College and the chief guests will be Dr. Shruti Tambe, Prof. Hari Narke and Kapil Patil.

Venue: Rajvade Hall, Bharat Itihas Sanshodhan Mandal, Pune.

27th April, 15, Evening 5.30 PM.

Publisher: Prajakt Prakashan, Pune.

The brief intro on the book is as under: 

Brief introduction:

 The highly debated issue of the Aryan or proto-Indo-European language speaker’s homeland still is not reaching to any resolve. The European and some Indian scholars have been proposing drastically opposite theories to prove either Eurasia or Indian homeland, sometimes dramatically stretching the timelines to make one wonder how scholars can play with the archaeological proofs and the indications provided by the ancient scriptures to derive suitable meanings to meet their needs.  

 Mr. Sonawani has attempted to look at the ‘homeland’ scenario; taking cognizance of all the theories forwarded by the scholars so far, from fresh angle and has postulated that;

 1. The basis of Indo-European language group theory is migrations of the proto Indo-European language speakers from some homeland. Author challenges the hypotheses’ of such migration and from archaeological, anthropological and scriptural proofs suggests that there has been no massive migrations from any place since 10,000 BC to cause substantial impact on the cultures of other populations. With archaeological evidences he suggests that the people all over the globe had started settling down by 12,000 BC with the invention of early agriculture and process gradually was completed by quite before 10,000 BC, therefore it is out of the question that the so-called PIE speakers started migrating from the hypothetical homelands at about 2000 BC or 5000 BC to impact linguistic and cultural features of other civilisations, as postulated by the scholars. 

 2. The author further suggests that, when early humans were foragers, period ranging from 60,000 BC till 12,000 BC, he already had learnt to move around in the known territories for his developed geographical consciousness and had already shared, developed rudimentary languages those took separate path when he settled down in the respective regions after invention of the agriculture. However early vocabulary and grammatical traits survived, showing some similarities even today in the territories in question. Such similarities are owed to the early human life and not to the movement of so-called Proto-Indo-European people. 

 3. Author further proves, from all the results pouring in from the recent geological explorations conducted at Ghaggar basin, and from the careful analysis of Rig Vedic/mythological descriptions of the Saraswati River, the Ghaggar river cannot be at all equated with the Rig Vedic Saraswati. 

 4. Mr. Sonawani in this book indicates that the many personalities mentioned in Rigveda and Avesta, including Zarathustra and his patron, were contemporary to the early phase of Rig Vedic compositions. This sheds light on the possible date of the Rig Veda and Gathas of the Avesta.  Further the author suggests, providing numerous scriptural and archaeological evidences, with in depth analysis, that the Rig Vedic geography is none but Helmand valley, Southern Afghanistan. He has, from Rig Veda and Avesta proved that most of the identifiable tribes mentioned in both the scriptures were and still are located in Iran, Afghanistan and north-west India (now Pakistan), and are speaking the descendent languages even today. 

 5. Author also points out that the indigenous Vedic Aryan theory is unfounded for as there is no slightest affinity between the Vedic and Indus culture. He explains diligently that, how, even if Rig Vedic period is stretched back substantially, i.e. from presently accepted date of about 1500 BC, to as back as 3000 BC or even earlier, any association of the Vedic people with Indus-Ghaggar Civilisation is improbable. Thus Out of India Theory is untenable because there is no proof to show slightest connection between both the cultures. 
 6. Since Indus-Ghaggar Valley have not experienced any intruding immigrants from minimum of 7000+ BC, there is no any genetic or archeological proof to prove any foreign influx since then and so there also are not any proofs to prove so-called Vedic Aryans migrated from India to West, the vital question is raised by Mr. Sonawani…how Vedic religion was introduced to India? How it found space here to become a major sect in the later course of time? The author however substantially proves with presenting rows of evidences to show how the Vedic religion was introduced to India and how institutionally it was spread by the handful of disciples and early native converts. This revelation, supported by substantial proofs may help to change our traditional views to look at our ancient socio-cultural and religious history. Also Mr. Sonawani explains how most of the Indus religious and cultural practices show their continuity, though in modified forms, even today in Indus-Ghaggar regions. 

 7. The important aspect of the book is author points out at the sever social harm caused by the supremacist views taken by the European and Vedicist scholars since last two hundred years to solve non-existent mystery of origin, either of Aryan race or PIE language speakers’ migrations. 

 8. This book explains the roots of the original Rig Vedic language and how it gradually was modified in ancient times to suite the changed linguistic environments, with providing the internal proofs from the Rig Veda and from the observations of Indian as well as European Sanskrit scholars. This shatters the myth of the Vedic dialect being mother of Sanskrit and other Prakrit dialects.  

 Distorting human history to prove some humans are superior over others, racially or linguistically, is not the way to solve the puzzles of our ancient past, Mr. Sonawani stresses through this book. 
 “Origin of the Vedic Religion and Indus-Ghaggar Civilization” is an attempt to help us look back at our past with clean and unprejudiced vision.
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 I humbly request to bless me by attending the ceremony.
.
Thanks,

With warm regards,

Your sincerely,

Sanjay Sonawani

Sunday, April 19, 2015

वडारांची आशा!



वडार समाज हा भटक्या-विमूक्त समाजात मोडतो. एके काळचा नगररचना, दुर्गरचना, मंदिरे, रस्ते ते लेणी यांचे निर्माण करत इतिहास जीवंत ठेवणारा हा अत्यंत कष्टाळु समाज. जाते, पाटे-वरवंटे, उखळे अशी जीवनोपयोगी वस्तुंचे निर्माण करणारा हा समाज. औद्योगिकरणाची चाहूल भारतात लागल्यानंतर असंख्य पारंपारिक व्यवसाय नष्ट होऊ लागले, पारंपारिक कलांचा संकोच होत गेला. व्यवसायाची क्षेत्रे आकुंचित होत आता तर पार संपली आहेत. या संक्रमणामुळे समाजावर आर्थिक अवनत्या कोसळणे, आहे त्याच क्षेत्रातील दगडफोडीसारखी दुय्यम कष्टप्रद कामे उरणे अपरिहार्य होते. तसेच झाले. वडार समाजही अवनतीच्या गर्तेत फेकला गेला. त्यात या स्वाभिमानी समाजाला इंग्रजांनी सरसकट गुन्हेगारी समाज ठरवले. भारताला ४७ साली स्वातंत्र्य मिळाले असले तरी भटक्या-विमुक्तांना मात्र स्वातंत्र्याचे पहाट उजाडायला ५२ सालापर्यंत थांबावे लागले. अजून हे समाज स्वतंत्र आहेत का याचे उत्तर दुर्दैवाने नकारार्थी आहे.

वडार समाजात आर्थिक अवनतीमुळे सामाजिक दोष घुसणे अपरिहार्य होते. अज्ञान, अंधश्रद्धा आणि नवीन जगाशी नाळ जुळवून घेण्यासाठी आवश्यक असलेली इच्छाशक्ती नष्ट झाल्याने अवनतीचे सावट गडद होत गेले असल्यास नवल नाही. या समाजाला जागृतीचा वसा द्यायला अन्य पुढारलेले समाज काय आणि सरकारही काय, कोणीच पुढे आले नाही. समाजात स्वार्थी "जातीय" नेते निर्माण झाले आणि आजही आहेत हे खरे असले तरी त्यंना खरेच समाजाचे प्रबोधन व कल्याण हवे होते काय या प्रश्नांचे उत्तरे दुर्दैवाने नकारार्थी आहेत. नेते म्हणून मिरवण्यात आणि काही फुटकळ राजकीय पदांच्या बदल्यात समाजाला विकायचे धोरणच राबवले गेले आहे. हा दोष सर्वच वंचित समाजांच्या नेत्यांमद्ध्ये आहे हे आपले दुर्दैव.

पण अशा स्थितीतही ध्येयनिष्ठेने कार्य करणारे अमर कुसाळकरांसारखे लोक दिसतात तेंव्हा दिलासा मिळतो...आशेचा किरण उगवल्यासारखे वाटते.

अमर कुसाळकर व माझा परिचय तसा फार जुना नाही. पण निगर्वी, ध्येयनिष्ठ, समाजासाठीची त्यांची तळमळ आणि केवळ भाषणे ठोकत न बसता त्यांच्या समाजासाठीच्या सकारात्मक कृत्या मला भारावून गेल्या आहेत आणि त्यामुळेच मी हा लेख लिहित आहे कि ज्यायोगे अन्य समाजांतील नेत्यांनाही थोडी तरी दिशा मिळावी. अमर कुसाळकर हे वडार समाज च्यरिटेबल ट्रस्ट चालवतात. हा ट्रस्ट फार जुना नाही. कुसाळकर स्वत: गर्भश्रीमंतही नाहीत. त्यांची आर्थिक स्थिती (त्यांनी सांगितली नसले तरी) जेमतेम असावी याचा अंदाज खर्चांची तोंडमिळवणी करतांना त्यांची जी दमछाक होते ती पाहुन कोणालाही येईल.

वडार समाज शिक्षणाच्या बाबतीत खूप मागे असुनही फेसबुकसारख्या आधुनिक साधनाचा उपयोग करत या माणसाने हजारो समाजबांधव एकत्र गुंफले. सातत्याने समाजाच्या वेदना मांडत, सकारात्मक उपक्रमही राबवले. गेल्या वर्षी त्यांनी प्रथम समाजासाठी समाजाची सखोल माहिती देणारे क्यलेंडर काढले. हे या समाजाचे ज्ञानाकडे, स्व-जाणीवांकडे पडणारे पहिले पाऊल होते. स्वत:ला समजावून घेत आपण आजच्या स्पर्धात्मक युगात नेमके कोठे आहोत हे दाखवण्याचा हा स्तुत्य अभिनंदनीय असा उपक्रम होता. त्याचे प्रकाशनही नेटके झाले. समाजातील अबोल लोकांना त्यांने बोलायला लावले.

वडार समाजातील महिला या पुरुषाच्या बरोबरीने कष्ट करणा-या. त्यांची अवस्था तर अधिकच दयनीय. परंतू त्यांचाही मेळावा घेत शेकडो महिलांना एकत्र आण्झत त्यांनाही कुसाळकरांनी बोलते केले, समस्यांवर त्यांनेच उहापोह केला हे एक मोलाचे कार्य. खरे तर पुढारलेल्या समाजांतही हळदी-कुंकवापलीकडॆ महिलांचे कार्यक्रम होत नाहीत, पण कुसाळकरांनी सामाजिक जाणीवांसाठी जो हा उपक्रम राबवला त्याची नोंद इतिहास नक्कीच घेईल.

मुक, अबोल, शिक्षणात मागे असलेल्या या समाजात नवप्रतिभा नाहीत असे नाही. पण अभिव्यक्तीची माध्यमे कोठे आहेत? आपली साहित्य संस्कृतीही जे भाषिक आणि सांस्कृतीक मापदंड पाळत साहित्यिकांनाही वेठीला धरते तेथे नुकत्याच रांगु लागलेल्या प्रतिभांना कोण संधी देणार? कुसाळकरांनी यंदा "वडार समाज" दिवाळी अंक प्रकाशित करायचे ठरवले. हा उपक्रम तडीला नेणे सोपे नव्हते. पण या माणसाची जिद्द अचाट. दणदणीत अंक प्रकाशित केला. चपराकचे संपादक घन:शाम पाटील यांनी त्यांना मोलाचे तांत्रिक सहकार्य केले. या अंकाचा प्रकाशन सोहोळाही झाला. पुण्यात प्रथमच अन्य पुढारलेल्या समाजांतील पण सा-या महाराष्ट्राचे असे ज्येष्ठ-श्रेष्ठ डा. श्रीपाल सबनीस आणि डा. सदानंद मोरे यांनी या समाजाबद्दल तळमळीने जी भाषणे केली त्याला तोड नाही. कुसाळकरांच्या आणि म्हणूनच वडार समाजाचा हा विलक्षण गौरव आहे...

पण दुर्दैवाने समाजच मागे पडतो याचे चित्रही कार्यक्रमाच्या वेळीस स्पष्ट झाले. समाजाची उपस्थिती नगण्य म्हणता येईल अशी होती. कुसाळकर उदास होते. त्यांनी भाषणही आटोपते घेतले. पण त्यांनी उदास-निराश होण्य़ाचे कारण नाही. आज जर आपले समाज मागे असतील तर त्याला आपणच जबाबदार आहोत याची जाणीव या निमित्ताने झाली हे महत्वाचे आहे. परिवर्तन आणि प्रबोधन या अशा बाबी आहेत ज्या अत्यंत सावकाश होतात. ब्राह्मण समाजाने आगरकर, लोकहितवादींसारख्या महनियांनी समाजाची तळमळ बाळगत, नवविचारांचे बोधामृत देत झोपलेल्या समाजाला जागे करायचा प्रयत्न केला तरी त्या काळात त्यांची घोर उपेक्षाच झाली आहे. पण आजचे बदल व्हायला त्यांनी जीवाचा केलेला आटापिटा होता हे विसरुन चालत नाही. कुसाळकरांचेही तसेच आहे. आज तुमची पर्वा समाज करणार नाही...पण तो बदलेल तोही तुमच्यामुळेच हे लक्षात ठेवा!

कुसाळकरांनी आता समाजासाठी मासिकही सुरु केले आहे. ते प्रबोधनासाठी माध्यम हातात असणे आवश्यक असतेच.

कुसाळकर वारकरी संप्रदायाचे एकनिष्ठ पाईक.. त्यामुळे त्यांच्यात नैसर्गिक नैतिकतेची प्रबळ भावना आहे. ते भावनिकही आहेत. भावनिक माणसेच क्रांत्या घडवतात. ते समाजनिष्ठुरांचे, व्यावहारिक लोकांचे काम नाही. समाज हवी तेवढी साथ देत नाही. समाज लबाडांमागे, खोट्या आश्वासनांमागे धावण्यात धन्यता मानतो हे सर्वच समाजांचे दुर्दैव आहे. त्यामुळे प्रसंगी निराशा येणे सारे व्यर्थ वाटणे स्वाभाविक आहे. वडार समाजाला शिक्षण, आरोग्य, राजसत्ता, अर्थसत्ता यात अजून प्रचंड मजल मारायची आहे. समाजातील अज्ञान, व्यसनाधीनता दूर सारत, सामाजिक न्यूनगंडाला दूर सारत प्रबळ आत्मविश्वासाने नव्या जगात "आम्हीही आव्हान निर्माण करु शकतो" या आत्मविश्वासाप्रत न्यायचे आहे. कुसाळकरांसारखे निस्पृह सामाजिक कार्यकर्ते त्यात यशस्वी व्हावेत हीच माझी भावना आहे.

Wednesday, April 1, 2015

A way to decipher the Indus Script….


Indus script or symbols so far has posed a problem before the scholars because though various approaches and efforts are made to decipher it, still, so far, there is no success. In absence of the Rosetta stone, a bilingual inscription, Indus script could not be read conclusively to help understand the language of the people of those times and who were they. Aryan Invasion or Migration theory had led to the some scholars to think the script could belong to the Dravidian speaking people and hence the language of the script could be of Dravid origin. Asko Parpola has devoted his life in decipherment of the script on this basis. 1 Many Sanskritist scholars rather think the language of Indus script is Vedic Sanskrit and they too have claimed to have deciphered it. 2   However these claims have been refuted outright or even have been called fraudulent. The scholars like Farmer et al have claimed that the signs appearing on the seals are not meant to encode speech but are non-linguistic symbols to serve key religious, political and social functions or serving as formal memory aids. 3  There has been attempts to find origins or similarities of the script with other extant deciphered scripts of the contemporary civilizations, however, those attempts, too, have been failed for there simply is no similar script have ever been located. Decipherment through the computer programs has not yet been successful, the students of TIFR have been able to conclude from the sign combinations appearing on every seal may be meaningful and the writing is highly ordered. 4  

Nonetheless, the fact, so far, remains that the Indus script or non-linguist symbols remains as an enigma. However, we need to discuss on the following points, if at all they can help, to take a new approach to solve this riddle.

1. LANGUAGE ISSUE:  Aryan invasion theory led to some scholars like Parpola to think the displaced population of the Indus Valley was Dravidian. Naturally he thought that the language spoken in NW area could be none other than Dravidian before invading Aryans subjugated and forced Dravidians out. Some so-called Dravidian in Rig Veda, considered to be loan words, too became one of the foundations of his theory. This is why he made every effort to read Dravidian in every symbol and tried to connect with that language. 5
NS Rajaram and N Jha had also claimed to have deciphered Indus script and its language being Sanskrit. 6

However both the claims so far have not been well received by the scholars. Rather Rajaram’s attempt to forge an Indus seal to prove horse presence in Indus valley have been a blot on Indian scholarship. 

However, it is a fact that the Indus script must be conveying some speech. A speech that was spoken that only could have been inscribed on the seals and other objects in form of the script. The images appearing on the Indus seals and the scriptural symbols stand apart in design and order.  Rather images are far beautiful over the scriptural symbols. Still almost every seal carries one or more symbol to denote something, which we do not know at the present what it is conveying.  

However, let us deal first with the preconceived notions about the immigrant Aryans entering in subcontinent to enforce their languages. It is not at all a proven fact. Vedic religion came to India through its handful of the preachers but the Rig Vedic language was modified later based on the local Prakrits. Since there is no proof that there ever was any invasion or migration to India hence the displacement of the Dravidians from Indus regions can be outright rejected. There are proofs that there has been interaction between the people of Indian subcontinent from ancient times despite their independent linguistic groups. But the major influence would be of the local tongues, those naturally would reflect in the encoded speech, except for the terms for the goods imported from those regions. 

Presence of the Sanskrit becomes far more doubtful because there is no proof it existed before first century AD. There is not even a single specimen inscription available that would indicate existence of even Vedic language prior to third century BC. Vedic language presence in ancient times is moreover a myth based on the hypothetical ideas of language evolutions. Existence of Vedic language prior to Prakrits is mere a hypothesis, presented by PIE migrationist theorists, to substantiate their theories of origin, but they do not present any physical proof of its existence in support.  Moreover, Indus civilization possesses no Vedic cultural element. There are attempts, though, to connect somehow Vedics with the IVC, but they remain only speculative but put forth vehemently! 

So, wishful thinking that the Dravidian or Sanskrit language is encoded ion Indus script and attempting to decipher the ancient script on that basis wouldn’t be correct. The failed attempts speak for themselves.
2. There have been attempts to decipher some certain signs, such as fish, arrow and terminal signs. Parpola thinks fish sign actually denotes “min” (for fish) which actually represents the ‘star’ or ‘planet’ in Dravidian languages. The jar sign is most frequently appearing sign in the Indus script. BB Lal thinks the jar sign is quite similar with the various jars found at Kalibangan whereas Parpola thinks it represents front side of the bull or cow.  Frequently occurring at the end are arrow or lance signs which is supposed to be the suffix. 7 There are examples (funny sometimes they might appear) the readers of Indus script have read Hammurabi as Ravan in the script! 

However, we can see, this does not help. The Indus people might not have intended from fish sign the actual “fish” or any cognate for fish or stars in their language. Attempting to derive astrological or mythological elements from the signs too is equally incorrect. One must bear in the mind the purpose of the seals. Unless that is understood properly signs on the seals will remain insoluble problem for ever. 

3.   Most of the script, single or few more signs, appears on the seals and tablets. Also we can find that there is certain chronological evolution in the seal making and even in the script signs, but natural in course of the time. Brahmi and Kharosti, the ancient known scripts of India, too, show the gradual progression in style. Indus script spans from its early Ravi phase (3300 BC) till 1800 BC. Hence the changes in the style come as no surprise. 

There is variety of the seals, from square to button like seals. Some are not intended to be seals, as the inscriptions are not in mirror image, but they could have been used to provide individual identity and rank. Some scholars think they, especially button-seals, could have been used as passports or used as identity cards by the royal officers.  

Other inscriptions found so far are on pottery and copper objects. The total signs found in IVC are about 417. Average signs on the seal are 5. It is said that this is not the pictorial script because the Chinese pictorial script has as many as 4000 signs.  Because of the brevity of the Indus signs, maximum being 17 of Dholavira signboard and average on the seals being 5, the reading has become almost impossible. Over 5000 short Indus texts are available today waiting for breakthrough. So far it only is understood that the writing system was right to left, nothing else. There is probability that the script was used for other writing as well, such as royal communication, land records and internal correspondence, but no such specimen has been surfaced so far. Indian writing, almost had been on the perishable palm leafs or wooden plates, hence in all probabilities its finding is almost impossible; if at all it was used for such purposes. 

4. Instead of looking for mythological representations from the symbols those occur in the script; let us take another direction to find a way to decipher them.

a. Purpose: The main Purpose of the seals, which appears from the available proofs, was to mark packaged goods, meant for export or inland trade. Also it is suggested that some seals could have been used to stamp mark of the authority. 8 However we must distinguish the seals accordingly to find their purpose.

Mostly square seals have been used to make impression on clay or resin-like soft material on the packaged goods. Now there is proof available that the jute bags, besides wooden boxes, were in use to pack the materials. The seals bear, besides script, single animal like unicorn, bull, elephant, tiger and sometimes abstract logo. We can assume that these animal/logo seals could have been representing identity of the group/city/province or trading guild, just like modern corporate logos. 

In India, during Mahajanpada era, the punch marked coins bearing unique symbols, representing their territories along with the different symbols representing the identities of the issuers of the coins and its location of origin were in circulation. The similar practice must have been in vogue in Indus times. The animal or other logos appearing on the seals must have been serving the similar purpose to denote the origin of the supplier (or trading guild) of the packaged goods. So, the animals, even mythical like unicorns, appearing on the seals are not arbitrary but have specific purpose. 

Naturally, then, it would be obvious, apart from the identity of the supplier, to write what good were packed inside of the bags or boxes, for not only knowledge of the transporter but buyer as well. Many of the Indus seals have been found in Mesopotamia, Indus people traded with. The purpose of such square seals, except cylindrical seals, cannot be attributed to just signify elite status or to manifest power and prestige but to represent the identities of the seller’s from the unique symbols and identity of the goods and quantity from the script. 

Now, if we now think on the script appearing over the seals, what could it, most possibly, convey?
In all probabilities, the script would denote the goods that were packed in the sealed bags or boxes. The seals were manufactured not to use just once but to make repetitive marks. It also would indicate the volume that could have been traded from IVC. the numeric marks over the seals speak of it, though we so far are unable to understand what the numeric signs would have represented, 

Iconography would indicate origin of the goods and script would inform what was packed. Most probably the quantity also was mentioned. Some seals appear to be having simple numeric marks, though we do not know as yet the figures numeric signs did represent. Some seals appear to have only scriptural signs but no iconography, indicating miscellaneous goods or suppliers. Alternatively, the general produces like cotton and timber; there was no necessity to mark the origin, but just name of the product and quantity. Such signs, as under, could have been used for general purposes. 

Since the purpose of the seals was to mark the merchandise, it would not bear any personal names or any religious or other political information. Rather the seals were made of soft stones and other materials including gold, with boss at the back to help make right impression and for repetitive use. This would mean that for the repetitively traded/exported goods such permanent or durable arrangement was necessary. The art of seal making is a wonder in itself. 

From above, we only can deduce that the script over the seals must be informing about the name of the good and quantity packed. The brevity of the script over the seals has only this explanation. Its purpose was limited and it served well with just mentioning names of the goods and its quantity and the literate people of those times could make sense out of it. Trying to find mythological or historical meaning out of the seals becomes thus baseless. 

What were mostly traded goods from Indus Civilization?

Indus people grew cotton extensively, forming a major part of their exports including cloth. Besides copper implements, beads and bead necklaces, crafts, shell bangles etc. too were exported originating from different locations. The beads were made of various semi-precious stones like Carnelian, agates, chalcedonies etc. sourced from interior of the India as well as from Afghanistan or from further Central Asian regions. Timber, such as Teak and Deodar, also was a major export material to Mesopotamia. Gold, Silver and Tin too formed a part of the export.  

The Indus people had established their colonies in Mesopotamia and probably in Afghanistan too to establish trade network. The Indus seals have been found in Mesopotamia. So the seals found in Mesopotamia may have been mentioning the imported goods. However, there is no conclusive proof to inform us what Indus people could have been importing from Mesopotamia or its nearby regions. 10 Also there are indicative proofs that the Mesopotamian traders too would have settled in Indus regions, the way Indus people made independent settlements there, under the common name “Meluha”. 

Manufacturing Zones

IGC (Indus-Ghaggar Civilization) was spread in the vast region, as vast as 12.50 lakh sq. kilometers. The seals have been found almost in the all excavated Indus sites, representing various periods. We know from excavated sites that what material was mainly manufactured or produced from different zones. The flint quarries too have been found to explain the source of the raw materials that was used in making many useful items. 

If we desire to really decode the script of IVC, we first have to limit our efforts to the seals those were meant for trade. The trading communities always limit their writing to the purpose and not religious discourses. The motifs on the seals may even exhibit the religious beliefs, but they certainly are intended and conveyed likewise. 

We need to carefully classify the manufacturing centers according to the products and regional agricultural produces. We know for sure many of the raw materials were sourced from the subcontinent as well as from distant locations. What IVC people were experts in to convert the raw material to fine objects!  They had qualities of the artistic manufacture where contemporary civilizations lacked in. So though the sources of the procurement may be different, after manufacturing to make inland or overseas trade marking the merchandise was essential. Though, the excavations at all the Indus sites and detailed analysis of the finds, it won’t be impossible too to have a generalized idea  as at the least we know what was exported from Indus valley. 


Hypothesis

The hypothesis is, if the seals were used to stamp the packed goods or bundles for the identification of the goods and its supplier/manufacturer or the trading guild, the script over the seals only would inform the limited information of the name of the goods and, if necessary, its quantity.  We have discussed that the animal motifs appearing on the seals must have been representing identity of the supplier source. We do not know for sure what Trading system IVC followed those times, but for the sake of unified foreign and inland trade, some mechanism must have been present, without which massive trade couldn’t have been possible. 
To focus on the script, its brevity does speak that it only contained name of the goods and quantity. They could not have been meant to express anything other than that. They also were not just formal memory aids as Steve Farmer et al claims. 11 Since the purpose of the information was limited, there was no need to add irrelevant details. The packed good-tags of modern day too are very brief and objective. 

However, we confront here with a most debated problem and that is in what language the names of the goods could have been expressed? Was it Dravidian or Sanskrit? Or was it entirely different language such as Munda or Austric? 

At the least we can be assured of that the purpose of the seal was not at all religious, though some of the motifs exhibit the religious faiths of the people of those times. The elephant, unicorn and other animals and trees could be representing totemic symbols of the trading families those were meant to represent their identities most symbolically. Trying to read any mythology from those symbols wouldn’t be wise. Purpose of the Indus people was not to extend their religious beliefs to the other trading communities, within India or elsewhere, but simply meant to trade their merchandise. 

Hence we only can see the commercial information on the seals. There couldn’t be any relation between the motif and the message that script conveyed, because wherever we find similar motifs, the script-signs appearing on the seals are different many a times. This means that the motifs inscribed on the seals meant to convey the origin of the supply/manufacture and the script the name of the goods. 

Now let us focus on language issue.

Language

As stated above, underlying language of the Indus script is hotly debated issue. Initially Aryan Invasion/Migration theories were in vogue and collapse of the Indus civilization was normally attributed to the nomadic Aryans hoards. Also it used to be claimed that the Dravidians were part and parcel of the Indus valley, those later on were displaced and forced out to the south.  Some hypothetical loan words those were thought to be of Dravidian origin had boosted this claim. Naturally the serious attempts had begun to decipher the script thinking the language of IVC was Dravidian. Asko Parpola has done immense work to decipher the language based on this hypothesis.

Later, troubled with the Invasion/Migration theories, Indigenous Aryan School emerged to claim the authorship of the IVC and thus tried to find the Vedic Sanskrit in Indus script. SR Rao, NS Rajaram, N Jha etc. attempted in this direction, even made huge claims to have deciphered the script. 

However, both the claims, in lack of the solid linguistic foundation, remained so far disputed though hotly they still are debated. Paul D. LeBlanc in his thesis states, “The Dravidian and Āryan camps oppose each other in all of the analytical perspectives surrounding the Indus script’s underlying language. Each side argues in favour of identifying their own culture or language to that of the ancient Indus Valley inhabitants.” 12 In short, the issue of Aryan v/s Dravidians, in new forms was flared up to cause socio-cultural unrest between north and south. 

Indigenous Aryan theorists, to counter European supremacist approaches started claiming Indus valley being the original homeland of the Vedic Aryans and that the IE languages and culture did spread to the west from north-west India. Once upon a time, the same Indigenous Scholars used to be the same theory to prove their foreign origin. 

However, it has been agreed upon by the scholars and archaeologists that there has been no major invasion in India after +7000 BC. Also the present author has proved geography of the Rigveda being Southern Afghanistan and not India. Also there are enough proofs to indicate that the Vedic preachers came to India to speard their religion when IVC was already disintegrated and was flourishing in new forms in Gangetic plains. So there is no any probable relationship between Vedic culture and IVC. So reading Vedic language in 2600 BC old Indus script cannot yield any positive result. 

There, similarly, is no question of Dravidians being displaced from IVC, hence finding Dravidian in the Indus script is equally wrong. 

Now in absence of both the possibilities we need to relook into the matter again and try to solve this riddle.
First of all, we must not forget here that the myth that the migrations of the PIE speakers and spread of the so-called Indo-European languages is a carefully nourished myth by the European linguists and scholars. Whatever were their motives, but it has resulted in unnecessarily complicating the language issue and so the cultural issues across south Asia and Europe. The present author has seriously challenged the migration theories those are claimed to be instrumental in spreading PIE languages and cultures. Rather the present author 13  has shown that to cause the net of the languages, migrations are not necessary and also there are no archaeological proofs of such migration at the least from +7000 BC onwards in India. 14

 
Hence, we are left with no choice but to accept the fact that the Indus people (and from the rest of the parts of India) were settled in their respective regions since last 10,000 years. Naturally the language they would have been speaking was the ancestor language of the present languages those are still spoken in the IVC regions and elsewhere in India. Regional variances in the languages too would be but natural.  

Looking at the map we can identify the modern Prakrit languages being spoken in these regions, including Panjabi, Sindhi, Rajashtani and Gujrathi. Culturally speaking, most of the Indus cultural traits are preserved even by the modern residents of these regions. For example it has been observed that the bangles and pendants women wear in Gujrath are similar to the Indus varieties. The bullock-carts, boats, utensils and the farmland furrowing practices are as similar as they were in Indus times. The tradition has been well preserved in folk culture. Hence, it won’t be a surprise the languages too, must have been spoken in this region in their archaic form of the present regional languages. 

We need to remove the myth from the mind that it was Vedic or Sanskrit language from which the Prakrits had evolved. There is no material proof to prove this assumption. Rather Vedic language has evolved from the Prakrits including Sanskrit. The Prakrit net of the languages was extant from Maharashtra to Gandhar, as evidenced by the epigraphical as well as textual history. Hence, assuming that the regional Early-Prakrits, ancestors of medieval Prakrits, were being spoken in Indus era will not be incorrect or any kind of exaggeration. The Prakrit substratum in Vedic language has been well detected and we cannot date Rig Veda prior to 1500 BC although the Vedicist scholars want to date it back to pre-Harappan era for their motives.

However, it would seem my hypothesis is more logical for it is in line with the archaeological, linguistic and anthropological history of India. Hence, instead of attempting to find Dravidian or Sanskrit languages in Indus script, trying to locate proto-Prakrits in it would be more logical. 

The process

Now, we will have to focus on the seals those were meant to stamp the packaged material. In the following chronology we may be able to reach to the solution to the Indus script.

1. Classify the regions and the sites so far excavated. 
2. Segregate the manufactured items meant to be traded/exported from particular regions. 
3.  Segregate the seals as per their locations. (Dr. Iravathan  Mahadevan has done monumental work in this regards.) 
4. Classify the regional languages and try to reconstruct them for at the least the names of the concerned goods. 
5. We have regional Prakrit specimens from the epigraphs and other Prakrit literature from at the least 3rd Century BC onwards. We need to reconstruct these Prakrits to understand what could be their earliest forms during 2600 BC and onwards. 
6. The names of the merchandise, in its proto or early forms when satisfactorily understood we can undertake the further job to attempt to relate them with the texts appearing on the seals.
7. The number of words denoting to certain goods and number of the signs can be compared. The numeric signs too would come to be understood to what quantity it could have denoted. 

I strongly believe this is the only way to decode the Indus script. Let us not forget here that the site names traditionally bear the same information that could have been transmitted in those times. For the site “Kalibangan” means black bangles and truly the Kalibangan site was a manufacturing center of bangles in Indus times too. So the word “Kali” for black and “Bangan” for bangles still carry the same information. The site name must be similar to this in Indus times. 

Conclusion:

There is no meaning in the attempts to decipher the Indus script based on the Dravidian or Sanskrit for these languages were absent from the Indus region. Also attempting to locate mythological information from the seals, as Parpola and SR Rao have attempted, such forcible identifications too, so far, has misled the scholars. The Indus script remained indecipherable for over hundred years because the unscientific approaches were taken by the scholars. 

The reconstruction of the Prakrit names for the traded goods and its comparison with the seals only could help to solve the riddle of the Indus script. We do not need “cultural element finder” but a commercial foundation of Indus script finder. There are no Vedas or Vedic mythology, there is no Dravidian or their mythology, simply what the Indus script conveys is our commercial abilities. 

We need to focus on Indus script to decipher in this direction!

-Sanjay Sonawani 

References

1. A Dravidian Solution to the Indus Script Problem, by Asko Parpola, 2010.
2. The Deciphered Indus Script : Methodology, Readings, Interpretations, by Natwar Jha, Navaratna Srinivasa Rajaram, Aditya Prakashan, 2000.
3. The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis:The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization’ (Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel, 2004). Available online at http://www.safarmer.com/fsw2.pdf
5.   A Dravidian Solution to the Indus Script Problem, by Asko Parpola, 2010.
6. The Deciphered Indus Script : Methodology, Readings, Interpretations, by Natwar Jha, Navaratna Srinivasa Rajaram, Aditya Prakashan, 2000.
7. http://www.harappa.com/script/mahadevantext.html
8. The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives,  By Jane McIntosh, p. 72.
9. Indus Epigraphic Perspectives: Exploring Past Decipherment Attempts & Possible New Approaches, by Paul D. Le Blanc, University of Ottawa.
10. The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives, By Jane McIntosh, p. 118.
11. The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis: The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization (Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel, 2004). Available online at http://www.safarmer.com/fsw2.pdf
12. Indus Epigraphic Perspectives: Exploring Past Decipherment Attempts & Possible New Approaches, by Paul D. Le Blanc, University of Ottawa.
13. Origins of the Vedic Religion and Indus-Ghaggar Civilisation, by Sanjay Sonawani, Prajakt Prakashan, 2015.
14. “Culture changes during the Late Harappan period at Harappa: new insights on Vedic Aryan issue”, by Jonathan Mark Kenoyer in “The Indo-Aryan Controversy: Evidence and Inference in Indian History”, edited by Edwin Bryant, Laurie Patton, Pub. Routledge, 2005, page 31-40.

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