Thursday, February 29, 2024

वैदिक धर्म आणि समाज-सांस्कृतिक उलथापालथ


 


वैदिक धर्मीय भारतात आल्यानंतर त्यांनी आपल्याही मूळच्या प्राचीन पर्शियन (अवेस्तन) भाषेत स्थानिक प्राकृत भाषांचे संस्कार करत वेदांची वैशिष्ट्यपूर्ण भाषा घडवली व तिच्या नियमनासाठी व्याकरणेही लिहिली. वेदाभ्यासात एक वेदांग म्हणून व्याकरणाचाही समावेश केला गेला. कारण व्याकरणाशिवाय वेद समजणे शक्य होत नव्हते.  कुरु-पांचालात स्थायिक झाल्यानंतर त्यांनी त्या प्रदेशाला “आर्यावर्त” हे नाव दिले कारण वैदिक धर्माचेच मुळचे नाव “आर्य धर्म” होते. जे आर्य किंवा वैदिक धर्मीय नव्हते ते त्यांच्या दृष्टीने अनार्य (शुद्र, म्लेंच्छ व असुर) होते. आर्यावर्त वगळता त्यांना आधी भारतीय उपखंडाचा भूगोलही माहित नव्हता हे वेदोत्तर साहित्यातून दिसते. इसवी सनपूर्व तिस-या शतकापर्यंत मगध आणि विन्ध्य पर्वताच्या दक्षिण भागाकडे पाहण्याचा वैदिक आर्यांचा दृष्टीकोन दुषित होता. नंद सम्राटांनी तर आर्यावर्तावरच हल्ला चढवून कुरु-पांचाल राज्यसत्तेचा अस्त केल्यामुळे त्यांनी नंदांना शुद्र तर ठरवलेच पण नंदांनंतर वैदिक धर्मातील क्षत्रीय वर्णाचा नायनाट झाल्याची घोषणा केली. सम्राट चंद्रगुप्ताकडूनही त्यांना  राजाश्रय मिळू शकला नाही, म्हणून चंद्रगुप्त हा वैदिक धर्मियांच्या दृष्टीने शूद्रच राहिला. चंद्रगुप्त मौर्य जैन धर्मीय होता तर अशोक आधी जैन धर्मीय असला तरी नंतर बौद्ध धर्मीय बनला. मौर्य सम्राट संप्रतिनेही जैन धर्माचा मार्ग चोखाळला. एतद्देशीय मूर्तीपुजकांचा शिव-शक्ती प्रधान तंत्रधर्मही देशभर प्रबळ होता. त्यामुळे वैदिकांना राजाश्रय मिळणे अवघड होत असले तरी धर्मप्रचाराचे कार्य त्यांनी चिकाटीने सुरु ठेवले.

शिवप्रधान तंत्रधर्म लोकांत प्रबल होता. समन संस्कृतीने ध्यान, तप, आत्मा, मोक्ष, कर्मफळ सिद्धांत प्राचीन काळापासून विकसित केलेले होते. तंत्रधर्मात (ज्यांना आपण आज हिंदू म्हणतो) तत्वज्ञानाच्या विविध दिशा शोधल्या जात होत्या. पुनर्जन्म ही संकल्पना भारतात लोकप्रिय केली ती तंत्र धर्माने. वैदिक धर्माला या लोकधर्मांपासून उधारी करावी तर लागलीच पण ती “उधारी” आहे हे त्यांनी कधीच मान्य केले नाही असे जागतिक कीर्तीचे संशोधक जोहान्स वोंकहोर्स्त म्हणतात ते योग्यच आहे. उधार संकल्पनांवर वैदिक लेपण करून त्यांनी आपली साहित्यसंपदा तर घडवलीच पण त्यांची मालकीही घ्यायचा प्रयत्न केला. पुढे मौर्य राजा बृहद्रथाचा खून करून पुष्यमित्र श्रुंग हा राजा सत्तेत आला. हा वैदिक धर्मीय नव्हता पण बौद्ध राजाची हत्या करून सत्तेत आल्यामुळे त्याला वैदिकांचा पाठींबा मिळाला. श्रुंगांनी वैदिक धर्माला राजाश्रय दिला त्यामुळे वैदिकांनी त्याला “ब्राह्मण” घोषित केले. पुष्यमित्राने दोन अश्वमेध यज्ञही केले व त्याची नोंद अयोध्या येथे सापडलेल्या इसवी सनाच्या पहिल्या शतकातील धनदेवाच्या शिलालेखात आहे. विशेष म्हणजे ही माहिती प्राकृतात आहे, संस्कृतात नाही याचे कारण म्हणजे संस्कृत भाषा त्यावेळी विकासावस्थेत होती. असे असूनही संस्कृत ही अतीप्राचीन आणि देवभाषा आहे असा प्रचार सातत्याने केला गेला. संस्कृत भाषेतील पहिला शिलालेख अवतरतो तो सन १६५ मध्ये व तो शक राजा रुद्रदामन याचा आहे. इतकेच काय, विमल सुरी लिखित “पउमचरिय” हे रामावरील आद्य रामकाव्य असतानाही तिस-या शतकानंतर गुप्तकाळात झालेल्या वाल्मिकीला आदिकवीचे स्थान दिले गेले. प्राकृतांवर संस्कार करूनच संस्कृत भाषा बनली हे भाषाशास्त्रीय सत्य असतानाही, व आज असंख्य विद्वान ते मान्य करत असतानाही वैदिकांनी प्राकृत भाषांना संस्कृतोद्भव आणि दुय्यम, गावठी ठरवले. दुस-या शतकापूर्वी लिहिल्या गेलेल्या असंख्य प्राकृत ग्रंथांचे संस्कृत या नवोदित भाषेत वैदिक तत्वे मिसळत अनुवाद केले आणि त्यांचेही कर्तुत्व स्वत:कडे घेतले. उपनिषदे ही तंत्र, समण संस्कृतीची मुळची रचना अर्धविकसित संस्कृतात आणून त्यातील तत्वज्ञानही स्वत:चे ठरवले. पण यात लबाडी अशी होती कि उपनिषदांतील तत्वज्ञान वेदांतील तत्वद्न्यानाच्या अगदी विरोधी जाते त्यामुळे ती वैदिक रचना नाही असे डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकरांनीही दाखवुन दिले असले तरी आजतागायत सर्वसामान्य हिंदू, जैन व बौद्ध भ्रमात राहिलेले आहेत. आणि हे अनुवाद झाले ते इसवी सनाचे तिसरे शतक ते सहावे शतक या दरम्यान. पुराणे, रामायण, महाभारत इ. सारख्या संस्कृत ग्रंथांचा आणि शिलालेखांचा देशभर उद्रेक झाला आणि प्राकृत ही राजभाषा म्हणून मागे पडली.

आणि याला कारण झाले ते गुप्त सम्राटांनी वैदिक धर्माला दिलेला राजाश्रय. एवढा मोठा राजाश्रय वैदिक धर्माला कधीच मिळालेला नव्हता. यज्ञाचे व क्षत्रीयत्वाचे वाढवलेले अवडंबर आणि ब्राह्मण वर्णाची अपरंपार महत्ता त्यांना राजाश्रय मिळवण्यास कारणीभूत झाली. यातही वावगे काही समजण्याचे कारण नाही, पण गुप्त काळात असंख्य धार्मिक व सांस्कृतिक घडामोडी घडल्या. वैदिक धर्मियांनी प्रशासनात वरच्या जागा मिळवल्या. गुप्तांकडून अग्रहारांच्या रुपात मोठ्या जमिनी तर मिळवल्याच पण दानरूपानेही संपत्ती मिळवायला सुरुवात केली. वैदिक धर्मीय वरिष्ठ प्रशासन व मंत्रीमंडळातही असल्याने वैदिक धर्माचा सामाजिक दबदबा वाढवणे त्यांना सहज शक्य झाले. बौद्ध व जैन धर्माची पीछेहाट तर करता आलीच पण हिंदुंच्या मस्तकी वैदिक धर्मतत्वांचे माहात्म्य वाढवता आले. भारतात प्राचीन काळापासून अस्तित्वात असलेल्या व्यापारी व उत्पादक श्रेण्यांचा अध:पात सुरु झाला. श्रेण्यांना असणारे नाणी पाडायचे अधिकार काढून घेण्यात आले. शासनच उत्पादन व व्यापारात पडू लागले आणि त्याला कारण झाले तिस-या शतकात लिहिले गेलेले कौटिल्याचे अर्थशास्त्र. वेश्यालये, वस्त्रोत्पादन, खाणी, सोन्या-चांदीचे व्यापार इ. बहुतेक उद्योग सरकारी व्यवस्थापनाखाली गेले. यामुळे हिंदूंची आर्थिक स्थिती ढासळायला सुरुवात झाली. तंत्रधर्मी हिंदूंनी या वैदिक सांस्कृतिक व आर्थिक आक्रमणाचा प्रतिकार करायला कंबर कसावी लागली. या काळात सामाजिक समानतेचे तंत्रशास्त्र विषद करणारे हजारोंच्या संखेने ग्रंथ लिहिले गेले. वैदिक धर्म विरुद्ध हिंदू, जैन व बौद्ध असे त्याचे स्वरूप बनून गेले. त्यातून बौद्ध धर्म भारतातून हद्दपार तर झालाच पण जैन धर्मीयांची संख्या रोडावली. हिंदूंना एकच पर्याय राहिला व तो म्हणजे वैदिक वर्चस्व स्वीकारणे अथवा समाजबहिष्कृत होणे. गुप्तकाळात वैदिक धर्मियांना माहात्म्य वाढवण्याची संधी मिळाल्याने त्यांच्या दृष्टीने गुप्तकाळ हा स्वर्णकाळ वाटत असल्यास नवल नाही.

वैदिक धर्मात एतद्देशीय अनेक लोक गेल्याने वैदिक धर्मातही अनेक बदल झाले. अवतार संकल्पना आणून राम-कृष्णासारख्या एतद्देशीय महान व्यक्तीमत्वांना विष्णूचे अवतार घोषित करून त्यांना देवत्व दिले. अगदी बुद्धालाही विष्णूचा अवतार घोषित केले गेले असले तरी येथे मात्र ती क्लुप्ती चालली नाही व बुद्ध अवतारीकरणातून सुटला. भारतात सांस्कृतिक संघर्षाचे बीजारोपण वैदिक धर्मियांनी केले. त्यादृष्टीने वैदिक आर्यांचे स्थलांतर हे भारतावर कोसळलेले एक सांस्कृतिक अरिष्टच होते असे म्हणावे लागते.

-संजय सोनवणी 

Tuesday, February 27, 2024

The First Epic on the Life of Rama: Paumchariya by Vimal Suri or Ramayana by Valmiki?

                           The First Epic on the Life of Rama:

Paumchariya by Vimal Suri or Ramayana by Valmiki?

By

Sanjay Sonawani

The charm of Rama's story on Indians is indelible. An attempt has also been made to trace the exact source of the Rama story. Tradition holds that Valmiki was the first poet to depict the story of Rama. However, there are many differences of opinion among scholars as to when the Ramayana, the epic, was written by Valmiki and what the scope of his early work was, which was interpolated and distorted by other poets in later times. Moreover, simple doubts have been raised about whether this is the first epic of Rama. A serious contender for the writer of the first epic on Rama is Vimal Suri, who wrote the Paumachariya epic in Maharashtri Prakrit language and not Valmiki. We will discuss this issue in this paper.

Although Western scholars turned to Rama only in the nineteenth century, disciplined research on Rama's story as presented by Valmiki and other poets gained momentum after 1950. A comparative study of various religious and linguistic versions of Ramayana, such as Jain, and Buddhist, also started. About Jain Ramayanas J. W. D-Jong wrote three notes in the Journal of the Oriental Institute of Baroda on an old copy of the Jain Ramayana. C. Jain's research article was published in 1975 by the Journal of Oriental Institute of Baroda. However, it has to be said that there has been a slight neglect in the comparative study of Rama stories in Buddhist literature. The only exception is a long article written by D. C. Sirkar, published in 1976, titled "The Ramayana and Dasharath Jataka.". Although the influence of Valmiki Ramayana on the later Rama stories has also been extensively investigated, the mystery of the Rama story has not been satisfactorily solved. 1

The Ramayana has also been analyzed from an archaeological point of view. Various discussions have been held in terms of cultural and social issues and ethics, and we see that the Ramayana has unknowingly given rise to many social conflicts. In this paper, we will discuss which epic on the life of Rama was written first and review how conventional wisdom often gets stuck in emotional and presumptive chronologies.

​ The date of Valmiki Ramayana

The date of the Valmiki Ramayana is an enigma in itself. Since Valmiki (if he was a real personality) did not mention any date of writing his epic in the Ramayana, it has given a wild scope to assign almost any time to its writing. As this poem shows Valmiki being an active participant in many events in the life of Rama, his writing also is dated on the assumption that the writing of Ramayana also belongs to the mythical Treta Yuga, i.e. 1.75 million years old, but it is outright refuted by the scholars. According to internal evidence, from the 5th century BC to the 6th century AD, dates are assigned to the writing of the Ramayana.

Attention must be given to the fact that the timeline of Sanskrit literature is conjectural and thus has created many anomalies. It is a fatally incorrect suggestion that the Sanskrit language is ancient and the Prakrit languages are daughter languages. Any timeline based on this assumption is bound to fail. The proposed timeline of Ramayana by modern scholars is also incorrect because of various factors, which we will discuss in detail.

The researchers of the traditional view reject the timeline proposed by the scholars, considering the mentions of Yavana, Shaka, Surang, Dinar, etc. in the Ramayana as an interpolation, and stick to their preconceived notion that the Ramayana is as old as they think. In short, the date of the Ramayana is surrounded by controversies, but there are some circumstantial pieces of evidence that, though hitherto little considered, are useful in determining the date of the composition of the core of the Ramayana. Although it is generally accepted that Balakanda and Uttarkanda of the present Ramayana were added much later to the original five-chapter Ramayana, many people have also expressed the opinion that at least some parts of Balakanda and Uttarkanda must have been written by the original poet. The language, style, and structure of these kandas are different from the rest of the kandas, which are loaded with many inconsistencies and spurious additions and are poetically ordinary; hence, these two kandas are considered later compositions of unknown poets.

Weber opines that the purpose behind writing the Ramayana was to spread Arya (Vedic) religion and culture to South India, including Sri Lanka. It is said that Valmiki used ancient and popular ballads and folk stories as raw material to compose his epic. 2 This means that even before Valmiki, Rama's story was quite famous in different parts of North India, but its forms and narration changed from place to place. Scholars like Winternitz state that the present Ramayana was shaped by Valmiki in 300 BC based on ancient ballads, which were scattered in the mouths of the bards, into the form of a unified poem. 3  Although he is correct in stating that Ramayana was based on folk songs, his dating seems incorrect as his arguments betray reality.  

The story of Rama appearing in the Dasaratha Jataka is contradictory to the narrative presented by Valmiki. Had Valmiki's Ramayana been available in the Buddhist period, there would not have been such a contradiction in Jataka stories as they came down in written form by the first century BC. We can conclude that the author who did the final edition of Jatakas did not know Valmiki's Ramayana because it did not exist then. Another thing that can be seen from this is that from the time of Buddha & Mahavira to the first century, before the beginning of the Christian era, there was no uniformity in the stories of Rama, but many conflicting versions of them prevailed. T.W. Rhys Davids also agrees. He asserts that Valmiki Ramayana could not have existed at the time of the Buddha-ballad. 4

Winternitz states that some of the Jataka stories are retold in the Ramayana, but there is seldom literary agreement. According to him, there were ballads dealing with Rama, but no Rama epic was written until then. 5

However, it is generally believed that the epic style began with the Ramayana. In the 14th century, Vishwanatha called the Ramayana an Arsha Mahakavya. Nevertheless, the structure of the epic, as described by critics, is generally followed by the Ramayana. Kaushik says that Ashwaghosha's epic Buddhacharita is influenced by the Ramayana and that the Rama stories are mentioned in the 3rd century AD text Abhidharmavibhashashastra. 6 But this text does not mention the Valmiki Ramayana as a source of the stories of Rama. The view that Ashvaghosha's composition is influenced by the Ramayana is also unsustainable because many scholars propose that Valmiki is indebted to Ashvaghosha for various poetic descriptions appearing in Buddhacharit, a second-century epic. There is a difference between knowing the popular story of Rama from other sources and the existence of Valmiki's Ramayana. Ashvaghosha could have developed his style independently or under the influence of now-unknown poets. All the scholars have unanimously expressed the opinion that the Ramayana is written by collecting materials from traditional ballads and folk stories. That is, it can be said that the Valmiki Ramayana was written by selecting traditionally popular versions of the stories suitable for his narrative and giving them a poetically coherent flow. It is evident that this period is certainly not earlier than the 1st century AD. 7

Other important evidence is that this poem is related to Smriti and Vedas, and it is mentioned in the poem that this poem is derived from Vedas and that this poem is an expansion of Vedas. This has two important implications. The Ramayana was written and interpolated to propagate Vedic religion and its principles. The ethics, rituals, and social structure appearing in the Ramayana are based on Vedic principles. Another important aspect is that it gives direct reference to the three Vedas and indirect reference to the Atharva Veda. However, in later interpolations, Balkanda and Uttarkanda explicitly mention Atharvaveda. (See- VR 1.15.2) In the rest of the Kandas, although Atharvaveda is not mentioned as the fourth Veda, the hymns of Atharvas and Angirasa are mentioned.  In the Vedic religion, initially, only three Vedas were accepted, and the Atharv Veda was added as a sacred Veda much later. Manusmriti, which received its final form in the second century AD, mentions only three Vedas, i.e., Rik, Sama, and Yajus, and the fourth Veda does not find even the slightest mention. The Vedic community gave prestige to the Atharvaveda sometime after Mnusmriti took final form, i.e. after the 2nd century AD.  During the next hundred years after the time of Manusmriti, the Vedic people started considering acceptance of the Atharvaveda. During the period when the acceptance process was ongoing but not formalized, it is quite possible that the Ramayana was written in this middle period, i.e., between the third century and the fifth century AD. It can be said with certainty that the Valmiki Ramayana was written after the finalization of Manusmriti, i.e. after Atharvaveda started gaining acceptance under different names, but before the estimated time of Kalidasa (i.e., before the fifth century AD).

Regarding the writing period of the Ramayana, P. C. Sen Gupta also expresses the same opinion from words like Buddha, Tathagata, Chaitya, Bhikshu, and Sramana mentioned in the Ramayana. After the spread of Buddhism, the Vedics started opposing it vigorously. During the Gupta period, they vehemently started blaspheming the Buddha from the literature because of the royal patronage they received. "Yatha hi chor: tatha hi Buddha" thus states the Ramayana, and calling Buddha a thief shows us that this structure belongs to the Gupta period.

C. V. Vaidya states that based on the zodiac signs in the Ramayana, the period of writing of Ramayana cannot go beyond the first century BC, and the currently available Ramayana, however, is finalized after the compilation of the Mahabharata, as a chapter in the Valmiki Ramayana, Ayodhya Kanda, copies part of the Mahabharata’s Sabha Parva verbatim. 8

​ The evidence available from Bhavabhuti's Uttaramcharita is that the Ramayana available in his time was not divided into cantos but into chapters.9 The period of Bhavabhuti is generally considered to be between 700 and 740 AD. In short, from the original writing, the Valmiki Ramayana was also changed in terms of structure and narration because of the interpolations. By the time of Bhavabhuti, Balakanda and Uttarkanda were also annexed to the original Ramayana. Vaidya has also expressed doubt that the Ramayana may not be the work of one person due to inconsistent and conflicting information in the Ramayana. If the Ramayana’s writer was indeed a single poet, the original poem written by him must have been concise and without any internal inconsistencies. We can also deduce from Vaidya's analysis that inconsistencies may have arisen in the current Ramayana due to the addition of other popular poems in verse form to the original composition.

However, the researcher Kunhan Raja has expressed the opinion that Kalidasa, who wrote the Raghuvamsa, did not know the epic Ramayana, so it is suggested that Valmiki may have been post-Kaladasa, i.e., after the fifth century. Moreover, in Raghuvamsa, Rama's capital is not Ayodhya, but Saketa. (Raghuvamsa, 13, 62).

Kunhan seems to have made a grave mistake here because Raghuvansa indeed mentions Ayodhya as an alternative name for Saketa. (Raghuvansa 15/60). It can be said that Kalidasa used both names while writing his epic. C. V. Vaidya, however, says that Kalidasa had the Ramayana written by Valmiki before him, as Kalidasa has sometimes used verses from the Ramayana in Raghuvamsa as they are. However, it is difficult to determine the origin of which verse was written first. Also, Kunhan is wrong because Kalidasa uses both the names, Saketa and Ayodhya. It is most likely that Kalidasa must have known that the ancient name of Ayodhya was Saketa, but Valmiki may have used the current popular name Ayodhya due to the Gupta royal patronage, thus trying to divinize the Gupta capital, Ayodhya. Many different stories in Raghuvamsa are not to be found in the Ramayana, so Kalidasa may have written his epic with his imagination by using story versions not used by Valmiki. In short, different dates of the Ramayana have been estimated as 5th century BC to 6th century AD, but most scholars opine that the period of writing of Ramayana should be between 3rd century AD and 5th century AD. And that is as close to the truth as the available evidence suggests.

During the Gupta period, a tendency among authors in India emerged to seek the authentification of the Vedas. Those who did not accept the authority of the Vedas used to be called atheists, no matter whether the author believed in the existence of the god or not. Therefore, most of the writers tried hard to show that their writings originated from the Vedas or had the sanction of the Veda. Although the characters Rama-Ravana-Sita of the Valmiki Ramayana do not appear anywhere in any of the Vedas, there is a characteristic tendency in the Ramayana to show the Vedic sages or their namesakes as contemporaries of Rama. Although this is the creativity of the poet, the religious intention behind it is not to be hidden.

Case of Ayodhya

Important evidence we have to consider is that Ayodhya is given as the capital of the Kosala kingdom in Valmiki Ramayana, but the most overlooked fact is that the name Ayodhya is not as ancient as it is thought. The original name of the city of Ayodhya was Viniya or Vinita, and it is known from the 3rd century BC Jain text "Jambuddivapannati" that the city was founded by the first Jain Tirthankara Rishabhnatha. Later, this city also got the name Ikkkhagu. Then some centuries before the 6th century BC, the city was named Saketa (Sageya or Saeya)). It also has been discussed by scholars that the Saketa was an independent city and the Ayojjha was another city that existed in Buddha’s time. Saketa, not Ayodhya, was called one of the six great cities of India. 10 It is significant here that the name Saketa appears most prominently in Sanskrit, Buddhist, and Jain literature, not Ayodhya.

The name Ayodhya has been borrowed from the Atharvaveda, where Ayodhya is used as a spiritual metaphor. अष्टचक्रा नवद्वारा देवानां पूरयोध्या। तस्यां हिरण्ययः कोशः स्वर्गो ज्योतिषावृतः।। Thus states Atharvaveda. This metaphor does not indicate a city of people but of gods. Saketa, a word without etymology, must have been renamed with the borrowing Atharvan mythical name Ayodhya sometime later than the 2nd century AD.

In the fourth chapter of the Buddhist literature “Samyuktnikaya,” we find mention of Ayodhya, but this Ayodhya is not on the banks of Sarayu but on the banks of the Ganges. The name Ayodhya also appears in Pali Tripitaka and Attakatha, and it is also mentioned that it was a city located on the banks of the Ganga. An important point is that the Chinese monk Yuan Chwang, who came to India in the sixth century, also mentioned that he entered Ayodhya by crossing the river Ganges. Though Cunningham states that the Ayodhya of Yuan Chwang was different than the present Ayodhya, Watters tries to say that Chwang could have mistaken the Sarayu River for Ganga. In the footnote, Watters tells us that there are serious difficulties in identifying Yuan Chwang’s Ayodhya with Saketa of Fa-hsien and Ayodhya of other writers. 11 This does mean that there were two cities with common names during the sixth and seventh centuries. The Ayodhya across Ganga might have been devastated by the aggressors or deserted by the residents of the city and thus forgotten, and the same name was applied to Saketa in the later course of the time.

The proof from various ancient sources informs us that Ayodhya on the southern banks of the Ganges and Saketa on the banks of Sarayu were two different cities. That is, the name Saketa for the present Ayodhya was still popular from the sixth century BC to the sixth century AD, even though it was parallelly named Ayodhya after the second century AD.  It is not mentioned anywhere that the Saketa city was known as Ayodhya anytime before the 6th century BC.  Patanjali also mentions in his Mahabhashya 'Arunat Yavana: Saketam, Arunat Yavana: Madhyamikam,' about the Greek invasion in the second century BC. He does not use the name Ayodhya in this important context.

Though some scholars propose that the Saketa was a suburb of the deserted Ayodhya at that time,  this seems mere a conjecture and not a fact.  Kushan Emperor Kanishka, while counting the provinces he ruled over, recorded the names of the cities in the Rabtak inscription, which belongs to the second century AD. The inscription’s fourth to sixth lines read as under-

"In the year one, it has been proclaimed unto India, unto the whole realm of the governing class including Koonadeano (Kaundinya < Kundina) and the city of Ozeno (Ozene, Ujjain) and the city of Zageda (Saketa) and the city of Kozambo (Kausambi) and the city of Palabotro (Pataliputra) and so long unto (i.e. as far as) the city of Ziri-tambo (Sri-Champa)."

Though some scholars like Kishore Kunal try hard to convince readers that the Ayodhya name for Saketa was in use since ancient times and that the city was never abandoned, this is a forceful conjecture that cannot stand on evidence. 12

The 2nd-century epic poet Ashwaghosha was also a resident of Saketa Nagari. The name Ayodhya for Saketa does not seem to have come into existence even then. Saketa was also a politically important city. If Valmiki had ever lived during this period, from the 6th century BC to the 2nd century AD, he would have used the current famous name Saketa and not Ayodhya. This means that the name Ayodhya had not come into existence till then. The Chinese pilgrim of the early 5th century, Faxian, mentions the city of Sha-Che he visited. Cunningham identifies Sha-Che with Saketa since the traveler immediately after visiting this city visited Sravasti in the Kingdom of Kosala, which was 8 yojanas away from Sha-Che. The distance given by Faxian matches the geography of Saketa and Sravasti. This means that in the early fifth century, the Saketa name was also in public use.

The name Saketa is mentioned in ancient Jain, Buddhist, Greek, and Chinese records. Epic Paumchariya also mentions Saketa, not Ayodhya. But later, the name Saketa completely fell out of use as the name Ayodhya was retained during the Gupta period, when the Gupta emperors Kumaragupta (5th century AD) and Skandagupta shifted the capital of the Gupta Empire from Patliputra to Saketa. Whether it was renamed after shifting the capital or was in use since Gupta’s made Saketa (Ayodhya) the capital of Kosala province is uncertain, but this period cannot go beyond the 3rd century AD.

 During the reign of Emperor Narasimha Gupta (sixth century AD), due to the conquest of the Huns, the capital of Ayodhya was shifted to Kanauj. Ayodhya's political importance declined again.

In all probability, Valmiki may have been born when Saketa was named as Ayodhya and was made the capital of the Gupta Empire. Since the Guptas were patrons of the Vedic religion, it can be said that Valmiki used the contemporary popular name Ayodhya in a glorified form. If this is the case, the period of Valmiki will fall somewhere between the 3rd and 5th centuries AD. Since the purpose of the Valmiki Ramayana was to propagate Vedic religion, it is possible that Valmiki took this opportunity and inspiration to use the Rama story for his epic.

Public temples

An important piece of evidence is the mention of the temples and chaityas in the Ayodhya Kanda (Sarga 71, verses 40-42-43) In Hinduism, the practice of building public temples has a very late origin. People would worship idols in their homes, or the idols would be kept arbitrarily under the auspicious trees in the open. These descriptions can be found in the Gatha Saptashati of Hala Satvahan, belonging to the first century AD.

We find the first evidence of an undecorated small Shiva temple inscribed on the Oudumbara coin belonging to the first century BC. Maybe because Chaitya and Viharas of Jain and Buddhists inspired Hindus to build public temples. Vedic religion was never idolatrous, though because of the converts to their fold, they too started building Vaishnava temples during the Gupta era. Kautilya's Arthashastra of the 3rd century AD contains descriptions of many city temples. (Arthashastra, 2.4.17-18) This does mean that by the 3rd century AD, public temples arose abundantly. Due to the prevalence of Jainism and Buddhism, the number of Chaityas was also very large. Mentions of chaityas and temples also point to Valmiki's Ramayana as a composition of the Gupta period, as earlier the temples were scarce, not abundant.

Zodiac signs

Another important piece of evidence is the zodiac signs appearing in the Ramayana. According to Valmiki, Rama’s horoscope informs us that Rama was born on the Tithi of Chaitra Shukla Navami and Punarvasu Nakshatra, when the five planets were in their highest positions. Thus, the Sun was at 10 degrees in Aries, Mars at 28 degrees, Jupiter at 5 degrees in Cancer, Venus at 27 degrees in Pisces, and Saturn at 20 degrees in Libra. (Baal Kanda 18, verses 8, 9).

It is now proven that the Indians took the zodiac signs from the Greek astrologers. The first planetary horoscope came to us from the translated book "Yavanjataka" in the second century AD. “This is said to be the method of determining the strength or weakness of the signs and planets according to the teaching of the Greeks; they say that, of the complete set of influences in horoscopy, there is an enormous number..." (Chapter 1/92. The Yavanajataka of Sphujidhvaja) The whole idea of the horoscope based on the Greek method was introduced by this translation. Indians did not use the zodiac signs in horoscopes accurately before the 2nd century AD, but the mentioning of the birth of Rama at an auspicious time "when five planets were in the highest position..." only appeared after Greek astrology was properly introduced. The approximate date of the Yavanajataka is given by David Pingree as 150 AD. Some scholars consider this book to be a later translation. 14 That is, this date with accurate planetary positions based on zodiac signs can never be earlier than the second century AD.

If we assume that the spread of the Yavanajataka and acceptance of Greek astrology may have taken at least a century, it would be clear that the Ramayana was composed after the third century. Even if Balkanda is considered to be an interpolation of later times, many scholars believe that this Kanda was expanded based on the story already written by Valmiki. The argument is that the Ramayana cannot be complete without the essential core of the story, i.e., the birth of Rama, his childhood, and his training in Ayodhya; hence, a portion of the Balkanda must have been composed by Valmiki, which may have been re-composed by adding some stories. However, we cannot be certain whether the horoscope based on planetary position was given by Valmiki.

Problems of Sanskrit

The problem of the origin of various languages has not yet been solved. Misconceptions and linguistic egotism also rule over modern scholars. Sanskrit is commonly considered the mother of Indo-European languages and is often touted as the language of the gods. This misconception has caused a serious problem in determining the timeline of Indian Sanskrit literature precisely. Any chronology based on a wrongly conceived timeline is bound to fail. Vedic language, which is a mixture of Old Persian and Prakrit, is far different from Sanskrit. Many scholars now agree that Sanskrit evolved gradually from the 3rd century BC to the 2nd century AD from Prakrits. The various stages of this evolution are supported by numismatic and inscriptional proofs. At any rate, considering Sanskrit literature more ancient than Prakrit literature is going to distort the actual timeline of Indian literature.

The earliest evidence of written non-standard Sanskrit comes from the Girnar Hill 20 line and now damaged inscription of King Rudradamana belonging to 150 AD. The evidence of what can be somewhat called Sanskrit is the Hahitabada Ghosundi inscription, estimated to be of the 2nd to 1st century BC. The Ghosundi inscription is broken, and many words have been lost. Some Sanskritized Prakrit words have been read from it. From the inscriptional and numismatic evidence of five hundred years, from the third century BC to the second century AD, it seems that the Sanskrit language gradually evolved from the Prakrit language. 15

In the second century AD, however, primary Sanskrit developed with the flavor of Prakrit, and its literary use also began. It is unfair to the history of language to say that Sanskrit existed earlier, because, that is not the reality.

Pandit Hargovindas T. Seth says, "Sanskrit was not created from the Vedic language but from the Prakrits of Madhyadesa. The Vedic language is also influenced by the regional Prakrits. The Tadbhava words in Prakrit did not come from Sanskrit to Prakrit but gradually changed from the ancient Prakrit itself and were adopted as such in Sanskrit." 16 After Epical Sanskrit was developed, Panini's Grammar came into existence in the 3rd century AD to normalize the newborn Sanskrit language, which took a long time to spread among the Vedic society.

Winternitz has also confirmed this view. He says that according to Buhler, there is reason to believe that, from the inscriptional evidence, the Sanskrit language was modified by the grammarians from the Prakrit languages of North India and then gradually spread over India.... The language of the epics and Puranas was a minor adaptation of the vernaculars. Not a single epic was written in classical Sanskrit. Therefore, many scholars believe that the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and Puranas were originally written in Prakrit and later translated into common Sanskrit. 17

It is, however, an exaggeration to state that the Ramayana and Mahabharata were originally written in Prakrit and then translated into semi-developed Sanskrit. It would be closer to the truth to state that these epics were created by mixing elements of Vedic religion with newborn Sanskrit, which sought to develop based on popular poetry, myths, folk tales, legends, and epics readily available in Prakrit languages.

In short, linguistically, the period of Ramayana writing cannot go before the third century BC, as the language was not yet developed and formalized till then. Madhav Deshpande states that since the epics were written in a language that was based on Prakrits, they were not unintelligible to the common masses. Further, he states that now scholars do not accept that the Prakrit languages are daughter languages of Sanskrit; rather, the Prakrits may not be mother languages of Sanskrit, but they certainly have the position of elder sister and that from Vedic times the Prakrits existed in parallel. 18

Herman Jacobi states that the language of the Ramayana is “vulgar Sanskrit” or “inferior language.” This was only natural because, when Valmiki wrote his epic, Sanskrit was not yet grammatically standardized. It essentially used a modified form of the Prakrits spoken in the area of his residence. He used many words from local Prakrits in modified form that do not occur in Sanskrit, or even if they do, the meanings in which they are used are entirely different from those intended by the author of the Ramayana. Large numbers of non-Paninian forms are used in Valmiki’s Ramayana. 19

From the above analysis, it will be realized that, under any circumstances, the period of the Valmiki Ramayana cannot go earlier than the 3rd century AD. The Ramayana was written between the 3rd and 5th centuries AD.  The Valmiki Ramayana, though a wonderful epic, cannot be as ancient as thought by the scholars who stick to the traditional hypothetical views.

Paumchariya: The first epic on Rama story

Paumchariya (Sanskrit-Padmacharita), an epic in Maharashtri Prakrit, was written by Vimal Suri. The purpose of writing this epic is to propagate Jainism the way Valmiki used the Rama story to promote Vedic religion. However, Valmiki's Ramayana and Paumacharya's narratives differ significantly. The sources of the Rama stories Vimal Suri used are more independent and ancient than what Valmiki used for his epical work. 20 The problem with Sanskrit literature is that the authors rarely give dates for their writings, hence, to determine their dates, we have to depend on many factors, which can often be proved to be easily wrong and misleading.

However, in Prakrit literature, it is almost customary to give the time of the written works to some extent, and this epic is no exception.

Since the date of Mahavira Samvat was given by the epic poet Vimal Suri himself when he wrote this poem, it is very easy to determine the date with certainty of this epic.

Prakrit literature is older than Sanskrit literature, and its abundance is also significant. At the time when ‘Paumcharya’ was written, the distinction between Shwetambar and Digambar was not clear and sharp, as no sectarian differences appear in the epic. Hermann Jacobi has expressed the view that the Jain Maharashtri Prakrit in this poem is of archaic style and is not grammatically fully developed. 21

The poet himself states in this epic that to write the present poem, he has taken the support of the folk literature passed on by oral tradition and composed this poem in the Gatha meter. (Paumacharya, Chapter I.) This means that no other written poetry or epic existed at the time of his writing. Though the poet expresses his dissatisfaction over the contradictory and illogical narratives given by other poets, he does not mention Valmiki or any Sanskrit writing. That is, even Valmiki's Ramayana was not composed at the time when Vimal Suri wrote his epic. No (Prakrit or Sanskrit) epic had been written before “Paumacharya” on the life of Rama, though the character of Rama was made famous by various poets through singing the stories of his life.

The poet writes about when this poem was written,

Pacheva Ya Vasaya Dusama Tis Varis Samjutta I

Veere Siddhi Uvgave, Tao Nibandha Im Chariyam II”. (Paumchariyya)

That is, Vimal Suri himself has recorded that this poem was written 530 years after Mahavira's death. The date of Mahavira's death is believed to be 526 BC. If the year 530 Veera Samvat is converted to the Christian era, it is 4 AD and has to be considered as the year of Paumcharya's writing.

According to Herman Jacobi, Mahavira's death should be dated to 467 BC. If this estimate is accepted, the period of writing of Paumcharya comes to 64 AD. Leumann accepts the year AD 4 while Winternitz accepts the year AD 64. 22

Pandit Hargobind Seth asserts that the epic dates back to the first century AD. 23

Pandit Premi has also stated that Veer Samvat 530, i.e., AD 4 given by Vimal Suri, is correct. 24

However, Jain tradition accurately confirms the date 527 BCE of Mahavira’s death. Even if this date is considered to be accurate, the writing of this epic cannot go beyond 7 AD.

Moreover, this poem was written before the time when the Shwetambara and Digambar sects were formed and split radically because this epic includes the recognition and characteristics of both sects.  From this, it also seems that the epic was written in the early first century AD. 25

Some scholars, like Jacobi, have expressed the opinion that since zodiac signs are also mentioned in Paumachariy, this epic might have been written after the 3rd century AD. According to Jacobi, “Since some of the planets appear under Greek names in Paumcharya, this poem must have been written after the introduction of the Indians to Greek astrology, i.e., after the third century.” (Modern Review, 1994)

This argument does not hold because the information about the zodiac signs in the Paumacharya is inaccurate, and hence it must have come from hearsay. Prof. Abhyankar states, “The information about zodiac signs in this book is wrong. If it is true, the poet's astrological knowledge is surprisingly poor, as the poet shows the distances of Venus and Mercury from the Sun to be 60 and 120 degrees, respectively. 26 An esteemed poet using the wrong horoscope can only happen when he has no accurate knowledge of Greek astrology. Yavanjataka was not translated then, so the poet could not possess accurate knowledge of Greek astrology. The poet did not correct the mistake because he believed the information flowed to him from the Greek colonies of the northwest.  

But Vimal Suri's mistake regarding Hanumanta's horoscope was corrected in Ravisena's Padma Purana, a Sanskrit translation of Paumachariy, of the seventh century.

This only means that during the time of Vimal Suri, comprehensive knowledge of Greek horoscopy was unavailable, and by the seventh century, accurate knowledge was available, hence, Ravisena corrected the mistake in his translation.

Moreover, Ravisena strongly attacked the Vedic sacrificial institution since Vedicism had gained a prominent position in society and sacrificial rituals were abundantly common. However, in the first century AD, Vedic rituals were insignificant, hence, Vimal Suri, though he mentions sacrifices, does not criticize them with much vigor and does not consider Vedic religion as a rival.

During Vimal Suri's time, contemporary Prakrit literature shows that Vedic religion was insignificant then. There is no mention of Vedic Brahmins even in the Prakrit poetry collection “Gatha Saptashati” of the first century AD. The editor of Gatha Saptashati, S.A. Joglekar, states in his introduction, “....Brahmans are not mentioned anywhere in Gatha Saptashati.....there is no trace of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra, class or Varna in Gatha Saptashati. There are occupations in society, but they are not classified into castes.....The sacrificial institution, which is considered to be the core of Aryan culture, is ridiculed here....Perhaps Brahmins were very few in the kingdom of Satavahanas..." 27

It is also significant here that Paumcharya is also an epic poem of the first century AD, and this poem also uses the Gatha meter that has been used by Gatha Saptashati like many other Prakrit epics and poems. The social conditions appearing in Gatha Saptashati are almost identical to the descriptions of society in Paumchariya.

The objection to the date given by the poet himself is challenged based on the Greek words like Yavana, Suranga, etc. that appear in the Paumcharya epic also. However, the mention of these words to determine the date of the epic is baseless because these words had become common since the time of Emperor Ashoka (3rd century BC), as he has mentioned many such words in his inscriptions. Alexander's invasion took place during the reign of Chandragupta Maurya (4th century BC). Therefore, words like Yavana (Yona) and Suranga appearing in the ‘Paumcharia’ of the first century cannot come as a surprise. Let us not forget that there were Greek colonies in northwest India for at least a few centuries, and the cities called Alexandria were also established. The North Indians were intimately familiar with Greek culture. Diplomatic relations were also established with the Greeks in the times of Chandragupta Maurya. Therefore, the mention of Yavanas in this epic does not help prove wrong the epic poet himself, who has mentioned the date of his writing of the epic.

The same has to be said about the word Dinar because the Kushan period book "Angavija" not only mentions foreign people like Yavana, Shakas, and coins like Dinar but also mentions the temples of Greek deities like Aphrodite in North India. Excavations at Mathura have yielded many Jain images and inscriptions of the Kushana period, but most surprisingly, the existence of any Vedic deity is not to be found in any inscription or coinage till the first century BC. From the first century BC until the second century AD, only two inscriptions have been found that mention sacrifices or Vedic deities in Prakrit and not Sanskrit. This evidences that though the Vedic religion existed in the Kushana period, there is no proof to show its prominence or royal/public acceptance of this religion.

In inscriptions, we find the names of gods and goddesses of indigenous folk religions (Hindu, Baudha, and Jain) like Uma, Kumar, Shiva, Visakha, etc. in the inscriptions and Tantric iconography on the coins, but there is no slightest Vedic iconography to be found on any coin or mention of Vedic religion and mention of their gods in any inscription before this time. From this, it seems that Vedic religion did not gain any patronage from local kings or feudal lords, nor was it popular among the people.

Earlier, there were just three inscriptions about sacrifices. The Naneghat inscription of the Satavahana era is in Prakrit, Ghosundi inscription of the 2nd to 1st century BC, while the Ayodhya inscription of Dhandeva is in Prakrit-influenced Sanskrit. This means that not only was the Vedic religion not acceptable, but the Sanskrit language was also under development. Therefore, it becomes illogical to say that there was an epic composition in the Sanskrit language until this time.

The Vedic religion succeeded in gaining royal patronage only during the Gupta period, barring the short period of Pushyamitra Shunga, and Vedic sacrificial rituals received momentum only after the 3rd century AD. Valmiki wrote his epic during this time when it was felt necessary by the Vedic community to propagate their religion through the popular indigenous characters of antiquity. Rama was a suitable character through whom Valmiki tried to establish antiquity and glorify Vedic values. Vimal Suri did this in the early 1st century to propagate the Jain value system and mythology, and Valmiki most probably followed Vimal Suri to do the same to promote his religion.

​ Paumchariya is an epic of 118 chapters. Rama, Lakshmana, and Ravana are equivalent figures and show a close relationship with the Jain tradition. In the third chapter, there is a dialogue between King Shrenik and Gautama Ganadhara in which the poet explains that this epic was written to remove the inconsistencies in the various versions of Rama stories prevalent during his time. It is significant here that the mention of other poems and stories comes in the plural form, and he does not refer to any single epic. This makes us certain that the Valmiki Ramayana did not exist then, i.e. in the first century AD.

Although Vimal Suri's Rama story and Valmiki's composition have some similarities, there are many drastic differences. Vimal Suri also has to give the primary credit for restoring heroism to Ravana. Vimal Suri's approach is more generous and friendly. Obsessed with proving the superiority of the Aryas, Valmiki viewed the Vanaras, Yakshas, Ravana, etc. as mere animals or demons (i.e., the Anaryas) in a prejudiced light. But Vimal Suri, who came from the noble Saman culture, had no reason to look at all of them with enmity or despise, so it has to be said that his portrayal is more realistic than that of Valmiki.

We can see from the Valmiki Ramayana that Valmiki (or interpolators) looked at the Saman culture in a blasphemous manner. To show that Rama is an archaic figure, Valmiki contemporaries, the sages mentioned in the Vedas with Rama, have also shown the hermitages of these Vedic sages scattered all over the subcontinent to show that Vedic religion was spread all over the country. It can also be called natural, as the aim was to create religious supremacy through the epic.

Considering the story of Paumcharya, this poem preserves the archaic and independent tradition of the threads of the storyline. Though Manu is mentioned in later Jain literature, the original term of the Jains, Kulkar, is used in this poem. According to the ancient Jain scriptures, Kulkars are those who taught mankind new ways of living with wisdom. The Kulkara terminology used in this epic also indicates the antiquity of Paumchariya. The use of “Manu” in place of "Kulkara," an equivalent but not identical term, is used by Jain authors of late times. However, ancient Jain literature is devoid of the term Manu.

While determining the antiquity of poetry, we have discussed the questions of Saketa and Ayodhya. Saketa, or Saketpuri (Saeypuri), is an ancient name and is used everywhere in Paumacharia. (E.g., Paumcharya, Chapter 4, Gatha 54.) That is, it is clear that this poem was written long before Saketa was renamed Ayodhya in the Gupta period.

From the above discussion, it can be seen that Paumcharya in Jain Maharashtri Prakrit, composed at the beginning of the first century AD, is the first epic on the life of Rama, and in that sense, Vimal Suri is the first poet. The Valmiki Ramayana was written between the 3rd and 5th centuries AD, and though it is poetically superior, it cannot be considered the first epic of Rama’s life.

However, the reasons why this mistake happened should also be understood.

From the very beginning, it has become the practice of Vedic thinkers and scholars to consider whatever is in Sanskrit as ancient. As the Ramayana itself gave the impression that Rama and Valmiki were contemporaneous, it was illogical to imagine that Valmiki was as ancient as Rama. As the Vedic sages are actively involved in the Ramayana, the belief that Rama, Valmiki, and this epic are of the Vedic period or antiquity was strengthened. When the idea that Rama belonged to Tretayuga was baseless, a slight correction was made: though Rama couldn’t have been a personality of such a remote past, and the writer Valmiki would have imaginarily involved himself in his epic, the time of writing Ramayana could not be assumed to be as old as Tretayuga, but must belong to the pre-Buddha era.

Since the date of composition is not given in the Ramayana, while determining the date, scholars used hypothetical assumptions without considering the evidence. A mythic hypothesis that Sanskrit is an archaic language is widely used, and the Ramayana is also placed in the archaic category. It was also recklessly and wrongly assumed that the Prakrit languages were derived from Sanskrit. Even in the times of Rigveda, Prakrit languages were extant, states a scholar like Madhav Deshpande.  28

Hence the erroneous assumption that the Valmiki Ramayana is ancient and Paumcharya is modern, as is firmly believed. But normally, based on baseless assumptions, people do not try to think that reality could be far different than what they think. Sanskrit was formalized only after Panini wrote the grammar “Ashtadhyayi” in the third century AD, and later on, classical Sanskrit literature began to appear. Had Panini been ancient, as normally assumed, it would have influenced the Sanskrit of the Ramayana, but this is not the case. The timelines assumed by traditional scholars are based on hypothetical assumptions, which cannot be a reality. The language of the Ramayana belongs to this transitional period, with mixed influences from both semi-developed Sanskrit. Moreover, Valmiki was considered a poet of ancient times because of the mention of Ayodhya in it, it was erroneously assumed that Ayodhya was an ancient name and Saketa was a later name. This grave mistake has harmed the history of Indian literature, which we should take note of.

In short, the conclusion of this paper can be summed up as ‘Paumcharya’ is the earliest epic of Rama, while the Valmiki Ramayana is an epic written some centuries later.

-Sanjay Sonawani

References-

1. The Society of the Ramayana by Anand Guruge, Abhinav Publications, 1991, p. 7,8.

2. The History of Indian Literature, by A. Weber, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co, 1904,  p.192.

3. A History of Indian Literature, Volume 1 By Moriz Winternitz, University of Calcutta, 1927, p. 476, 517.

4. Buddhist India by T.W. Rhys Davis, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers, 1997 page 183.

5. A History of Indian Literature, Volume 1 By Moriz Winternitz, University of Calcutta, 1927, p., 509.

6. Ramkatha aur Loksahitya, Lt. Jai Narayan Kaushik, Hindi Book Centre, New Delhi, 1996, p. 8.

7.     The Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki: An Epic of Ancient India by Robert Goldman, Princeton University Press, 1984,  pp 20-22 and J. L. Brockington (1998). The Sanskrit Epics,  BRILL, pp. 379.

8.     The Riddle of the Ramayana, C.V. Vaidya, Meharchand Lachhmandas, 1972, pp. 21-23.

9.     Ibid P. 5.

10. Buddhist India, by T. W. Rhys Davids, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers, 1997, p. 39.

11.  On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India, 629 – 645 AD, Vol. 1, by Thomas Watters, London Royal Asiatic Society, 1904, p. 354.

12. Ayodhya Revisited by Kishore Kunal, Ocean Books Pvt. Ltd, 2016, p. 7-9.

13. Fa-Hien’s Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms translated by James Legge, Oxford, 1886, page 54.

14.  The Date and Nature of Sphujidhvaja's Yavanajātaka Reconsidered in the Light of Some Newly Discovered Materials Bill M. Mak Kyoto University.

15.  History of Pali and Prakrit Languages, Sanjay Sonavani, Chinar Publishers, 2020.

16. Paia-sadda-mahannavo (A Comprehensive Prakrit-Hindi Dictionary by Pandit Hargovind Das T Sheth, p. 57.

17. A History Of Indian Literature,vol.1, by Winternitz, M., 1927, Univercity of Calcutta, pp. 15, 44.

18. Sanskrit aani Prakrit Bhasha by Madhav Deshpande, Shubhada Sarasvat Prakashan, 1995.

19.  Ramayana- A Linguistic Study by Satya Vrat, Oriental Publishers and Book Sellers, 1964, pp 6, 176-177.

20.  Forward to Paumchariy, edited by Shri S. C. Upadhyaya, R.P. Kothari & Co., 1934, p-21-22.

21. Some Ancient Jaina Works, By Hermann Jakobi in Modern Review, December 1994.

22. A History Of Indian Literature,vol.1, by Winternitz, M., page 514, Vol. 2, University of Calcutta, 1927, page 478.

23. Paia-sadda-mahannavo (a Comprehensive Prakrit-Hindi Dictionary, Vol. 4, by Pandit Hargovind Das T Sheth, p. 13.

24. Jain Literature and History, 1956, p- 13.

25.  Paumachariy, Forward,  edited by Shri S. C. Upadhyaya, R.P. Kothari & Co., 1934, p-21-22.

26. Ibid. p. 28.

27.  Gatha Saptashati, edited by S.A. Joglekar, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2012, p. 218, 220,

28. Sanskrit aani Prakrit Bhasha by Madhav Deshpande, Shubhda-Saraswat Prakashan, 1995.

 

Monday, February 26, 2024

मराठी भाषेचे प्राचीनत्व!

 मराठी भाषेचे प्राचीनत्व!

-संजय सोनवणी

 

लिखित पुराव्यांनुसार मराठी भाषेचा इतिहास किमान २२०० वर्ष जुना जातो. प्राचीन माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृताचीच विकसित होत आलेली अवस्था म्हणजे आजची आपण बोलतो-लिहितो ती मराठी. वररुचीने या आद्य माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृताचे व्याकरण इसपू २००च्या आसपासच लिहिले होते, याचा अर्थ त्याआधीही कैक शतके ही भाषा बोलीभाषा म्हणून प्रचलित होती. इसपू पहिल्या शतकातील नाणेघाट, पाले आणि लोहगड येथील शिलालेख या प्राचीन मराठीचे लिखित रूप दर्शवतात. महाराष्ट्रात जैन धर्म किती प्राचीन काळातच पोचला होता याचेही पाले व लोहगड येथील शिलालेख निदर्शक आहेत. यानंतर सातवाहन काळातील बौद्ध विहारांतील असंख्य शिलालेख आज उपलब्ध आहेत. मराठी भाषेतील साहित्य, काव्य आणि महाकाव्यांचा इतिहासही इतकाच मागे जातो. हाल सातवाहन राजाने संकलित केलेल्या ७०० गाथांचा समावेश असलेले गाथा सप्तशती तर आज काव्यरसिकांना चांगलेच माहित आहे. पण आद्य रामकाव्य हेही माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृतातच लिहिले गेले होते तर वाल्मीकीचे रामायण इसवी सनाच्या तिस-या शतकानंतर लिहिले गेले. आद्य रामकाव्य लिहिण्याचा मान प्राचीन मराठीकडे जातो याचा आपल्याला अभिमान वाटला पाहिजे. हे आद्य रामकाव्य म्हणजे पउमचरीय. हे लिहिले विमल सुरी यांनी इसवी सन ४ मध्ये, म्हणजे जैन तीर्थंकर महावीर यांच्या निर्वाणानंतर ५३० वर्ष पूर्ण झाल्यानंतर. आपल्या काव्यातच विमल सुरी यांनी हे वर्ष दिले आहे. यातील रामकथेचे मुलस्त्रोत हे पूर्णतया स्वतंत्र असून जैन जीवनदृष्टीचा या काव्यावर फार मोठा प्रभाव आहे. याच काळातील अंगाविज्जा हा तत्कालीन समाजजीवन व संस्कृतीचे दर्शन घडवणारा माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृतातील ग्रंथ लिहिला गेला. चवथ्या शतकातील संघदास गणी यांनीही वासुदेव हिंडी हे महाकाव्य लिहिले. माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृतावर जैन साहित्यिकांचे मोठे ऋण आहे त्यांनी माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृतात अपार ग्रंथसंपदा लिहिली, परंतु त्यांचे योगदान आजचे मराठी भाषक विसरल्यासारखे दिसते. याशिवायही माहाराश्त्री प्राकृतात विपुल म्हणता येईल अशी रचना झालेली आहे. पण आपला भाषाभिमान बेतास बात असल्याने आपले या साहित्याकडे म्हणावे तसे लक्ष गेलेले नाही हेही दुर्दैवी आहे.

संस्कृतमधून मराठी भाषेचा उगम झाला हे जुने मत आता मान्य होणार नाही एवढे सज्जड पुरावे उपलब्ध आहेत. संकरीत संस्कृतातील एकमेव मिळणारा प्राचीन पुरावा म्हणजे इसवी सन १६० चा राजा रुद्रदामनचा शिलालेख. त्याआधी संस्कृत भाषेचे अस्तित्व दाखवणारा एकही शिलालेखीय अथवा नाणकीय पुरावा उपलब्ध नाही. माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृताचे शिलालेखीय पुरावे मात्र त्यापेक्षा प्राचीन तर आहेतच पण विपुल प्रमाणात आहेत. मराठी हीच महाराष्ट्राची आद्य भाषा होती, स्वतंत्र होती व आहे ही मराठी माणसाला अभिमानाची बाब वाटायला हवी. आणि त्यासाठी अनेक पुरावे आहेत. वैदिक भाषा आणि संस्कृत भाषा या एकच मानण्याच्या प्रवृत्तीतून हा गैरसमज जोपासला गेला त्यामुळे आज मराठी ही दुय्यम भाषा आहे असा समज निर्माण झाला. खरे तर वैदिक भाषेवरही प्राकृत भाषांचा मोठा प्रभाव आहे हे अनेक विद्वानांनी साधार सिद्ध केले आहे.

 जे. ब्लॉख यांनी १९१४ साली लिहिलेल्या फॉर्मेशन ऑफ मराठी लँग्वेज’ या पुस्तकात फार महत्त्वाची निरीक्षणे नोंदवलेली आहेत. थोडक्यात ती अशी : ऋग्वेदाच्या प्राचीन संपादकांनी अन्य बोलीभाषांना आत्मसात करत अथवा त्यापासून उधारी करत ऋग्वेदाची वैशिष्ट्यपूर्ण भाषा घडवली आहे. (पृ.२) मराठी ही सरळ महाराष्ट्री प्राकृताशी नाते सांगते. अन्य प्राकृत भाषांचा प्रभाव नगण्य आहे. मराठीचे ध्वनिशास्त्र गुंतागुंतीचे व अन्य आर्यभाषांपेक्षा स्वतंत्र आहे. (पृ ४५)अनेक प्राकृत घाट संस्कृतात घुसले आहेत. संस्कृत ही स्वतंत्र भाषा नसून मिश्र भाषा आहे. (पृ. ४८) हेमचंद्र ज्यांना अपभ्रंश भाषा म्हणतो त्या भाषांचा मराठीशी काहीही संबंध नाही तर मराठीचा संबंध थेट प्राचीन प्राकृताशीच आहे. (पृ. ३०-३१) प्राकृत म्हणजेच महाराष्ट्री प्राकृत. शौरसेनीमागधीअर्धमागधी वगैरे अन्य प्राकृत भाषा दुय्यम आहेत. मराठीचा पाया स्थानिक वैशिष्ट्यपूर्ण प्राचीन बोलींचा आहे जो अन्य भाषांत समांतरपणे आढळत नाही. (पृ.३२) सातवाहन काळात स्थानिक प्राकृत राजभाषा व साहित्यभाषा बनली व तिला वैभव आले. भारतातील कोणतीही भाषा कोणावर लादली गेल्याचे भाषाशास्त्रीय उदाहरण मिळत नाही. (पृ. ४४). मी येथे ब्लॉख यांनी दिलेली अत्यंत थोडकी उदाहरणे घेतली आहेतपण ती मराठी भाषेच्या स्वतंत्र वास्तवावर प्रकाश टाकण्यास पुरेशी आहेत. माहाराष्ट्री प्राकृत भाषा तिस-या शतकात मध्य आशियातील निया शहरापर्यंत पोहोचली होती, तेथिल राजादेश लिहिलेल्या लाकडी पाट्या सापडल्या असून त्यात “महानुराया लिहती” सारख्या आजही मराठी भाषेत प्रचलित असलेली वाक्ये मिळून येतात. यावरून प्राचीन काळी झालेला मराठीचा प्रसार आपल्या लक्षात येतो.

खुद्द ऋग्वेदात अनेक प्राकृत प्रयोग आलेले आहेत. किंबहुना प्राकृत आणि अवेस्तन शब्दांचेच सुलभ ध्वनीबदल करीत वैदिक संस्कृत व नंतरचे संस्कृत बनले आहे. अहुरऐवजी असुरमिथ्रऐवजी मित्र अशी अवेस्तन शब्दांचे ध्वनीबदल केल्याची असंख्य उदाहरणे देता येतील. इंद्रऐवजी इंदवृंद ऐवजी वुंद असे मूळचे प्राकृत प्रयोग ऋग्वेदात जसेच्या तसेच राहिलेले आहेत. व्याकरणाचा पायाही प्राकृतच असल्याचे अनेक उदाहरणांवरून आढळून येते. उदा. देवास:सत्यास: ऐवजी देवा:सत्या: इ. खरे तर ऋग्वेदाची भाषा अवेस्तन (प्राचीन पर्शियन) आणि भारतातील स्थानिक प्राकृत यांचे मिश्रण आहे. एवढेच नव्हे तर ऋग्वेदातील ६% शब्द द्रविड व मुंड भाषेतून वैदिक संस्कृतात उधार घेतलेले आहेत. भाषेचा उगम’ या माझ्या पुस्तकात मी संस्कृत भाषा इसपू पहिले शतक ते इसवी सनाचे दुसरे शतक या काळात कशी क्रमश: विकसित होत गेली हे ग्रांथिकशिलालेखीय व नाणकशास्त्रीय पुराव्यांवरून साधार दाखवले आहे. त्या दृष्टीने संस्कृत हीच आधुनिक भाषा ठरत असून प्राचीन प्राकृत भाषांवर संस्कार करत ही नवी भाषा बनवलेली आहे. मूळ प्राकृत शब्दांचेच उच्चारसुलभीकरण करीत संस्कृत विकसित होत गेली हे बुद्धिस्ट हायब्रीड संस्कृत ग्रंथशिलालेखीय ते नाण्यांवरील भाषेतून सिद्ध होते, परंतु ती आधुनिक असूनही तिला अभिजात दर्जा आणि ज्यापासून ती बनली त्या महाराष्ट्री प्राकृताला व त्या भाषेची थेट वंशज असलेल्या मराठीला मात्र अभिजात दर्जा नाकारणे हे कर्मदरिद्रीपणाचेच नव्हे तर भाषाशास्त्रीय दृष्टिकोनही नसल्याचे निदर्शक आहे.

मराठी भाषा ही प्राचीन काळापासून साहित्य व्यवहाराची भाषा राहिलेली आहे. स्त्रियांनीही या भाषेत काव्यलेखन केलेले आहे. एकट्या गाथा सप्तशतीमध्ये २८ कवयित्रीनी आपले काव्य-योगदान दिलेले आहे. ही सातवाहनकाळापासून राजभाषाही राहिलेली आहे. संस्कृतअभिमानी मानतात तशी ही ग्राम्य लोकांची भाषा असती तर असे झाले नसते. विमल सुरीन्च्या आद्य महाकाव्यात येणारी नुसती रामकथाच नव्हे तर त्यात येणारे समाजजीवनही वास्तवपूर्ण आहे. वासुदेव हिंडी तर जगातील अतिप्राचीन प्रवासवर्णन असल्याचे मत पाश्चात्य अभ्यासकांनीही व्यक्त केले आहे. प्राचीन महाराष्ट्री प्राकृत विकसित होत, कालौघात बदल स्वीकारत मुकुंदराज-ज्ञानेश्वरांच्या माराठीपर्यंत आले. शिवकालीन पत्रव्यवहारातील मराठी, तुकोबारायांच्या अभंगातील मराठी इंग्रजकाळात आधुनिकतेचा स्पर्श होत अजून बदलत आजच्या जागतिकीकरणाच्या काळातील भाषेपर्यंत आलेली आहे. प्राचीन मराठीतील असंख्य शब्द आजही आपल्या नित्य बोलण्यात असतात. आणि हे शब्द संस्कृतात सापडून येत नाहीत हे विशेष. जी भाषा जिवंत असते तीच कालानुसार परिवर्तने स्वीकारत असते. नवीन शब्द शोधणे वा अन्य भाषांतून उधार घेणे, अभिव्यक्तीचे व्याकरण बदलणे आणि नव्या जोमाने व्यक्त होण्यातून भाषेचा आणि त्या सोबतच मानवी संस्कृतीचाही विकास करणे हे जिवंत भाषांचे वैशिष्ट्य असते आणि मराठी या निकषावर पूर्णपणे टिकते. मराठी ही एक जिवंत भाषा आहे. तिला आज पुन्हा एकदा ज्ञानभाषा बनवण्याची तेवढीच आवश्यकता आहे. मराठीचा नव्याने जागर करत तिला पुन्हा प्राचीन वैभव प्राप्त करून देण्याची आपली जबाबदारी आहे.


वररुचीने प्राकृतात रचलेल्या पाअड-लख्खन-सुत्तहे प्राकृत (पाअड) भाषांचे व्याकरण सांगणारे मुळ पुस्तक आज उपलब्ध नाही. आज आहे ते भामहाने लिहिलेली या ग्रंथकाराची संस्कृत भाषेतील टीका जिला स्वत: भामहानेच मनोरमा अथवा चंद्रिकाअसे नाव दिलेले आहे. यात प्राकृताचे नियम संस्कृतमध्ये सांगितलेले आहेत.

संस्कृतमधूनच प्राकृत निघाली असती तर तिचे व्याकरण संस्कृतमध्येही अनुवादित करत त्यावर स्पष्टीकरण देणारी टीका लिहायचे कारण नव्हते.

भामहाने या व्याकरणावर टीका (भाष्य) संस्कृतमध्ये लिहायचे कारण म्हणजे प्राकृत ग्रंथ समजावून घ्यायचे तर त्या भाषेचे व्याकरण माहित व्हावे म्हणून! संस्कृतमधून प्राकृत भाषा निघाल्या असत्या तर हा उपद्व्याप संस्कृत भाषिक विद्वानांना करावा लागला नसता.

असे असतांनाही मराठी अभिजात भाषा व्हावी असे वाटणा-या विद्वानांनी भामहरचित प्राकृत प्रकाशमूळ वररुची रचित प्राकृत व्याकरण ग्रंथावरची टीका आहे, वररुचीचा मुळ ग्रंथ नाही याचे भान ठेवलेले दिसत नाही. किंबहुना हे त्यांना आजही समजलेले नाही. त्यामुळे त्यांची अभिजात मराठीची आक्रंदने व्यर्थच जाणार हे उघड आहे!

-संजय सोनवणी


-संजय सोनवणी 


Thursday, February 15, 2024

वैदिक धर्मप्रचार आणि राजाश्रय



भारत देशात आजवर अनेक स्थलांतरे झालेली आहेत. पण दीर्घ काळ नुसते प्रभाव टाकणारेच नव्हे तर वर्चस्व निर्माण करणारे स्थलांतर म्हणून वैदिक धर्मियांच्या स्थलांतराकडे पहावे लागते. भारतीय समाजव्यवस्थेवर या स्थलांतरित वैदिक धर्मियांनी अनेकविध प्रकारे भले-बुरे परिणाम केले, त्यांनी त्यासाठी प्रदीर्घकाळ शिस्तबद्ध आपली पाळेमुळे आधी येथे रुजवण्याचा प्रयत्न सुरु केला. ते सर्वात आधी स्थायिक झाले ते शुद्र जमातीच्या राज्यात. या देशात सर्वत्र शूद्राच राहतात हा त्यांचा गैरसमज त्यांनी आपल्या वैदिक वाड्मयातून दृढ करून ठेवला. प्राचीन इराणमधील असुरांशी असलेल्या वैराच्या स्मृती कायम ठेवत येथील जेही समाज वैदिक धर्माविरुद्ध होते त्यांनाही असुर हे संबोधन वापरायला सुरुवात केली. शूद्रांच्या राज्यातच ऋग्वेदाच्या मुळच्या जुनी पर्शियन भाषेवर स्थानिक प्राकृत भाषेचे संस्कार करून वैदिक भाषा तयार करण्यात आली असे जे. ब्लॉख ते मायकेल वित्झेल यासारख्या अनेक भाषातज्ञांनी दाखवून दिले आहे. शुद्रांशी चांगले संबंध असल्याने त्यांच्या लक्ष्मी, मा (माया) यासारख्या अनेक स्थानिक देवता ऋग्वेदाच्या अंतिम मंडळात समाविष्ट केल्या गेल्या. स्थानिक यक्षसंकल्पना तर स्वीकारलीच पण योग, संन्यास, तप इ. अशा एतद्देशीय समन व शिव-शक्तीप्रधान लोकधर्मातील अनेक दैवते व कल्पना बदल करून स्वीकारल्या. यती, तापस, केशी (म्हणजे जटा वाढवलेले मुनी) यांच्याशी परिचय झाल्यामुळे वैदिक धर्मातही या आधी अज्ञात असलेल्या तत्वांचा काही अंशी शिरकाव झाला.
वैदिकांनी स्थानिक लोकांसाठी यज्ञ करून यज्ञसंस्थेचा परिचय एतद्देशीय लोकांना करून तर दिलाच पण इंद्र, विष्णू, वरूण इ. वैदिक देवतांना एतद्देशियात लोकप्रिय करण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. यज्ञविधी दीर्घकाळ चालणारे आणि सामुहिक कर्म असल्याने मूर्तिपूजक व प्रतीमापुजक स्थानिकांना यज्ञांचे आकर्षण वाटणे स्वाभाविक होते. साहचर्याने अशी सांस्कृतिक देवानघेवाण होणे स्वाभाविक होते. शुद्र जमातीच्या परीसरात वैदिक साहित्याची रचना जवळपास पूर्ण केल्यानंतर मात्र पुढे कुरु प्रांताच्या दिशेने सरकले. वैदिक धर्माच्या वाढीसाठी त्यांना राजाश्रय मिळवण्याची गरज होती. आता यज्ञसंस्था त्यांनी ब-यापैकी विकसित करून डामडौलाची व आकर्षक बनवलेली होती. राजांना आकर्षित करण्यासाठी राजसूय, अश्वमेध यासारख्या यज्ञांचे अनिवार माहात्म्य वाढवून ठेवले होते. धर्मांतरासाठी व्रात्यस्तोम विधीचीही निर्मिती केली गेली होती.
कुरु-पांचाल-शौरसेन-मत्स्य भागात राजाश्रयामुळे वैदिकांना चांगला जम बसवता आला. कुरु वंशीय लोक मुळचे उत्तर-कुरु (म्हणजे मध्य आशियातील) आहेत अशा दैवी पुराकथा निर्माण केल्यामुळे स्वाभाविकच कुरु राजांना वैदिकांबद्दल आस्था वाटणे स्वाभाविक होते. कुरु-पांचाल भागाला आर्यावर्त असे नाव देऊन हा भाग वैदिकांसाठी अतिपवित्र आहे असे घोषित केले. आर्य शब्दालाही नवा अर्थ देऊन त्यालाही त्या भागात लोकप्रिय केले. बरेचशे ब्राह्मण साहित्य याच भागात निर्माण केले गेले. आपल्या धर्माच्या संघटनासाठी मनुस्मृतीच्या रचनेची सुरुवात याच आर्यावर्तात केली गेली. वैदिक धर्मात दुसरा महत्वाचा वर्ण म्हणजे राजन्य. भारतात आलेल्या वैदिक धर्मियात आता कोणी राजन्य (राजा) शिल्लक राहिला नसल्याने एतद्देशीय खतीय (जमीनदार योद्धे) वर्गाला खुश करण्यासाठी राजन्य शब्दाला डच्चू देत खतीय शब्दाचेच क्षत्रीय असे वैदिकीकरण केले व त्या शब्दाभोवती अद्भुत वलय निर्माण केले. जसे सुद्द या मूळच्या शब्दाचे रुपांतर शुद्र असे केले गेले तसेच मूळच्या खतीय शब्दाचे झाले. इसवी सनपूर्व दुस-या शतकापर्यंत काही प्रमाणात संख्या वाढलेले वैदिक धर्मीय कुरु-पांचाल परिसरालाच आपले मुख्य स्थान मानत राहिले. आर्यावर्त व वायव्य भाग वगळता भारतीय भूगोल त्यांना माहित नव्हता हे मनुस्मृतीवरून स्पष्ट आहे. ब्राह्मण ग्रंथात मगध व पूर्वेकडे असुर राहतात तर विंध्य पर्वताच्या दक्षिणेकडे शुद्र जमाती राहतात असे नमूद केले.
वैदिक धर्माच्या प्रसारासाठी वैदिकांनी आपल्या धर्माची फेररचना केली आणि सर्वात आधी पैल, मग इंद्रप्रमती व बाष्कल, सत्याश्रव, सत्यहित वगैरे २७ मुख्य प्रचारक नेमले. त्यांच्यामार्फत त्यांनी उत्तरेतील विविध भागांत धर्मांतराची मोहिम सुरु केली. इसपू पहिल्या शतकात दक्षीणेत जाणारा अगस्ती हा त्यांचा शेवटचा मुख्य प्रचारक. ऋग्वेदातील ऋचाकर्ता अगस्ती व हा अगस्ती एकच नव्हे हेही येथे लक्षात घ्यायला हवे.
वैदिक धर्माचे सामाजिक स्थान वाढवण्यासाठी भारत देशात आजवर अनेक स्थलांतरे झालेली आहेत. पण दीर्घ काळ नुसते प्रभाव टाकणारेच नव्हे तर वर्चस्व निर्माण करणारे स्थलांतर म्हणून वैदिक धर्मियांच्या स्थलांतराकडे पहावे लागते. भारतीय समाजव्यवस्थेवर या स्थलांतरित वैदिक धर्मियांनी अनेकविध प्रकारे भले-बुरे परिणाम केले, त्यांनी त्यासाठी प्रदीर्घकाळ शिस्तबद्ध आपली पाळेमुळे आधी येथे रुजवण्याचा प्रयत्न सुरु केला. ते सर्वात आधी स्थायिक झाले ते शुद्र जमातीच्या राज्यात. या देशात सर्वत्र शूद्राच राहतात हा त्यांचा गैरसमज त्यांनी आपल्या वैदिक वाड्मयातून दृढ करून ठेवला. प्राचीन इराणमधील असुरांशी असलेल्या वैराच्या स्मृती कायम ठेवत येथील जेही समाज वैदिक धर्माविरुद्ध होते त्यांनाही असुर हे संबोधन वापरायला सुरुवात केली. शूद्रांच्या राज्यातच ऋग्वेदाच्या मुळच्या जुनी पर्शियन भाषेवर स्थानिक प्राकृत भाषेचे संस्कार करून वैदिक भाषा तयार करण्यात आली असे जे. ब्लॉख ते मायकेल वित्झेल यासारख्या अनेक भाषातज्ञांनी दाखवून दिले आहे. शुद्रांशी चांगले संबंध असल्याने त्यांच्या लक्ष्मी, मा (माया) यासारख्या अनेक स्थानिक देवता ऋग्वेदाच्या अंतिम मंडळात समाविष्ट केल्या गेल्या. स्थानिक यक्षसंकल्पना तर स्वीकारलीच पण योग, संन्यास, तप इ. अशा एतद्देशीय समन व शिव-शक्तीप्रधान लोकधर्मातील अनेक दैवते व कल्पना बदल करून स्वीकारल्या. यती, तापस, केशी (म्हणजे जटा वाढवलेले मुनी) यांच्याशी परिचय झाल्यामुळे वैदिक धर्मातही या आधी अज्ञात असलेल्या तत्वांचा काही अंशी शिरकाव झाला.
वैदिकांनी स्थानिक लोकांसाठी यज्ञ करून यज्ञसंस्थेचा परिचय एतद्देशीय लोकांना करून तर दिलाच पण इंद्र, विष्णू, वरूण इ. वैदिक देवतांना एतद्देशियात लोकप्रिय करण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. यज्ञविधी दीर्घकाळ चालणारे आणि सामुहिक कर्म असल्याने मूर्तिपूजक व प्रतीमापुजक स्थानिकांना यज्ञांचे आकर्षण वाटणे स्वाभाविक होते. साहचर्याने अशी सांस्कृतिक देवानघेवाण होणे स्वाभाविक होते. शुद्र जमातीच्या परीसरात वैदिक साहित्याची रचना जवळपास पूर्ण केल्यानंतर मात्र पुढे कुरु प्रांताच्या दिशेने सरकले. वैदिक धर्माच्या वाढीसाठी त्यांना राजाश्रय मिळवण्याची गरज होती. आता यज्ञसंस्था त्यांनी ब-यापैकी विकसित करून डामडौलाची व आकर्षक बनवलेली होती. राजांना आकर्षित करण्यासाठी राजसूय, अश्वमेध यासारख्या यज्ञांचे अनिवार माहात्म्य वाढवून ठेवले होते. धर्मांतरासाठी व्रात्यस्तोम विधीचीही निर्मिती केली गेली होती.
कुरु-पांचाल-शौरसेन-मत्स्य भागात राजाश्रयामुळे वैदिकांना चांगला जम बसवता आला. कुरु वंशीय लोक मुळचे उत्तर-कुरु (म्हणजे मध्य आशियातील) आहेत अशा दैवी पुराकथा निर्माण केल्यामुळे स्वाभाविकच कुरु राजांना वैदिकांबद्दल आस्था वाटणे स्वाभाविक होते. कुरु-पांचाल भागाला आर्यावर्त असे नाव देऊन हा भाग वैदिकांसाठी अतिपवित्र आहे असे घोषित केले. आर्य शब्दालाही नवा अर्थ देऊन त्यालाही त्या भागात लोकप्रिय केले. बरेचशे ब्राह्मण साहित्य याच भागात निर्माण केले गेले. आपल्या धर्माच्या संघटनासाठी मनुस्मृतीच्या रचनेची सुरुवात याच आर्यावर्तात केली गेली. वैदिक धर्मात दुसरा महत्वाचा वर्ण म्हणजे राजन्य. भारतात आलेल्या वैदिक धर्मियात आता कोणी राजन्य (राजा) शिल्लक राहिला नसल्याने एतद्देशीय खतीय (जमीनदार योद्धे) वर्गाला खुश करण्यासाठी राजन्य शब्दाला डच्चू देत खतीय शब्दाचेच क्षत्रीय असे वैदिकीकरण केले व त्या शब्दाभोवती अद्भुत वलय निर्माण केले. जसे सुद्द या मूळच्या शब्दाचे रुपांतर शुद्र असे केले गेले तसेच मूळच्या खतीय शब्दाचे झाले. इसवी सनपूर्व दुस-या शतकापर्यंत काही प्रमाणात संख्या वाढलेले वैदिक धर्मीय कुरु-पांचाल परिसरालाच आपले मुख्य स्थान मानत राहिले. आर्यावर्त व वायव्य भाग वगळता भारतीय भूगोल त्यांना माहित नव्हता हे मनुस्मृतीवरून स्पष्ट आहे. ब्राह्मण ग्रंथात मगध व पूर्वेकडे असुर राहतात तर विंध्य पर्वताच्या दक्षिणेकडे शुद्र जमाती राहतात असे नमूद केले.
वैदिक धर्माच्या प्रसारासाठी वैदिकांनी आपल्या धर्माची फेररचना केली आणि सर्वात आधी पैल, मग इंद्रप्रमती व बाष्कल, सत्याश्रव, सत्यहित वगैरे २७ मुख्य प्रचारक नेमले. त्यांच्यामार्फत त्यांनी उत्तरेतील विविध भागांत धर्मांतराची मोहिम सुरु केली. इसपू पहिल्या शतकात दक्षीणेत जाणारा अगस्ती हा त्यांचा शेवटचा मुख्य प्रचारक. ऋग्वेदातील ऋचाकर्ता अगस्ती व हा अगस्ती एकच नव्हे हेही येथे लक्षात घ्यायला हवे.
वैदिक धर्माचे सामाजिक स्थान वाढवण्यासाठी मनुस्मृतीतून ब्राह्मण वर्णावर सर्वाधिक बंधने टाकली गेली. यज्ञोपवीत असणे म्हणजे वैदिक धर्माचे असे ओळख देणारे चिन्हही निर्माण केले. आरंभीच्या काळातील ब्राह्मण हे आपल्यावरील बंधनांचे शक्यतो काटेकोर पालन करत असत. वेदाभ्यास, यज्ञकर्म व कठोर धर्माचरण यामुळे समाजात त्यांच्याबद्दल आदर आणि प्रतिष्ठा वाढतच गेली. इतकी कि समन परंपरेतील योगी-तापस-मुनी यांच्याएवढाच सन्मान त्यांना मिळू लागला. सम्राट अशोकाने आपल्या बहुतेक शिलालेखांत “ब्राह्मण-समण” असा जोडीने उल्लेख केला आहे यावरून ब्राह्मण वर्णाने केवढे मोठे सामाजिक स्थान प्राप्त केले होते हे लक्षात येईल. वैदिक धर्मात प्रवेश करण्याची संख्या उत्तर भारतात वाढत गेली. एतद्देशीय शिव, पार्वती, गणेश इ. देवताही वैदिक धर्मियांनी वैदिक संस्कार करत स्वीकारल्या कारण मुळचे धर्मांतरित हे एतद्देशीय लोकधर्मातून आलेले असल्याने मूळ श्रद्धांचे ते जतन करणार हे उघड होते. पण यातून वैदिक धर्मात पहिली फुट पडली, ती म्हणजे श्रौत्त व स्मार्त. वैदिक धर्माला मूर्तीपूजा मान्य नाही. जे मुळच्याच धर्माशी कट्टर राहिले ते श्रौत तर मूर्तीपूजा करणारे व वैदिक धर्माचरणही करणारे वैदिक ते स्मार्त. इसपू दुस-या शतकाच्या आसपास ही फुट झाली व आदि शंकराचार्यांच्या काळात ही फुट अधोरेखित झाली. इसपू दुसरे शतक ते इसवी सनाचे तिसरे शतक या काळात मात्र वैदिक धर्माने संपूर्ण देशात आपले पाय रोवले. तोपर्यंतच्या काळात लोकधर्माचे (ज्यांना आज आपण हिंदू म्हणतो) व समन धर्माचे (जैन, बौद्ध आजीवक इ.)लोक वैदिक धर्माकडे काहीसे कुतूहल, काहीसा आदर आणि काही त्यांच्या धर्मतत्वांना विरोध करत आले असले तरी हा देशाच मुळचा सहीष्णू असल्याने तात्विक विवाद झाले तरी त्याला रक्तरंजित संघर्षाचे स्वरूप कधी आले नाही. पण या काळात साहित्यिक दृष्ट्या वैदिकांनी जे लेखन करून ठेवले ते त्या दीर्घकाळात वैदिकेतरांना उपलब्धच केले जात नसल्याने एतद्देशीय धर्माचे लोक त्यात काय म्हटले आहे हे समजून घेण्यापासून वंचित राहिले पण त्याचे परिणाम आपल्याला आज समजतात. तिस-या शतकानंतर वैदिक धर्माला गुप्त साम्राज्याचा प्रबळ राजाश्रय मिळाल्यानंतर मात्र वैदिक धर्मीय मोठ्या मोहिमेवर निघाले. त्याचे सांस्कृतिक, सामाजिक असे अनेक परिणाम झाले. त्याची चर्चा आपण पुढील लेखात करू.
-संजय सोनवणीस्मृतीतून ब्राह्मण वर्णावर सर्वाधिक बंधने टाकली गेली. यज्ञोपवीत असणे म्हणजे वैदिक धर्माचे असे ओळख देणारे चिन्हही निर्माण केले. आरंभीच्या काळातील ब्राह्मण हे आपल्यावरील बंधनांचे शक्यतो काटेकोर पालन करत असत. वेदाभ्यास, यज्ञकर्म व कठोर धर्माचरण यामुळे समाजात त्यांच्याबद्दल आदर आणि प्रतिष्ठा वाढतच गेली. इतकी कि समन परंपरेतील योगी-तापस-मुनी यांच्याएवढाच सन्मान त्यांना मिळू लागला. सम्राट अशोकाने आपल्या बहुतेक शिलालेखांत “ब्राह्मण-समण” असा जोडीने उल्लेख केला आहे यावरून ब्राह्मण वर्णाने केवढे मोठे सामाजिक स्थान प्राप्त केले होते हे लक्षात येईल. वैदिक धर्मात प्रवेश करण्याची संख्या उत्तर भारतात वाढत गेली. एतद्देशीय शिव, पार्वती, गणेश इ. देवताही वैदिक धर्मियांनी वैदिक संस्कार करत स्वीकारल्या कारण मुळचे धर्मांतरित हे एतद्देशीय लोकधर्मातून आलेले असल्याने मूळ श्रद्धांचे ते जतन करणार हे उघड होते. पण यातून वैदिक धर्मात पहिली फुट पडली, ती म्हणजे श्रौत्त व स्मार्त. वैदिक धर्माला मूर्तीपूजा मान्य नाही. जे मुळच्याच धर्माशी कट्टर राहिले ते श्रौत तर मूर्तीपूजा करणारे व वैदिक धर्माचरणही करणारे वैदिक ते स्मार्त. इसपू दुस-या शतकाच्या आसपास ही फुट झाली व आदि शंकराचार्यांच्या काळात ही फुट अधोरेखित झाली. इसपू दुसरे शतक ते इसवी सनाचे तिसरे शतक या काळात मात्र वैदिक धर्माने संपूर्ण देशात आपले पाय रोवले. तोपर्यंतच्या काळात लोकधर्माचे (ज्यांना आज आपण हिंदू म्हणतो) व समन धर्माचे (जैन, बौद्ध आजीवक इ.)लोक वैदिक धर्माकडे काहीसे कुतूहल, काहीसा आदर आणि काही त्यांच्या धर्मतत्वांना विरोध करत आले असले तरी हा देशाच मुळचा सहीष्णू असल्याने तात्विक विवाद झाले तरी त्याला रक्तरंजित संघर्षाचे स्वरूप कधी आले नाही. पण या काळात साहित्यिक दृष्ट्या वैदिकांनी जे लेखन करून ठेवले ते त्या दीर्घकाळात वैदिकेतरांना उपलब्धच केले जात नसल्याने एतद्देशीय धर्माचे लोक त्यात काय म्हटले आहे हे समजून घेण्यापासून वंचित राहिले पण त्याचे परिणाम आपल्याला आज समजतात. तिस-या शतकानंतर वैदिक धर्माला गुप्त साम्राज्याचा प्रबळ राजाश्रय मिळाल्यानंतर मात्र वैदिक धर्मीय मोठ्या मोहिमेवर निघाले. त्याचे सांस्कृतिक, सामाजिक असे अनेक परिणाम झाले. त्याची चर्चा आपण पुढील लेखात करू.
-संजय सोनवणी

ऐतिहासिक तथ्यांची तोडमोड

  ऐतिहासिक तथ्यांची तोडमोड करणे आणि लोकांची दिशाभूल करणे हा भाजपाचा पूर्वीपासून उद्योग राहिलेला आहे. परराष्ट्रमंत्री जयशंकर यांनी नुकतेच नेह...